This research will focus on the evolution of new terrorist manifestations from more traditional manifestations and the implications for South Africa’s security. More contemporary manifestations of terrorism, coined as new terrorism has taken on a transnational profile, posing a global threat and requires a contemporary interpretation in order to explain. The terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 (hereafter known as 9/11) did not offer new developments or perpetrators, but the scale and scope of the attacks was a distressing development (Meyer 2018:1). The recent terrorist attacks that have been occurring in Mozambique where alleged al-Shabaab militants decapitated 23 people portray a shift in the manifestation of terrorism towards Southern Africa, potentially threatening South Africa's security (Daily Maverick 2018). Considering the above mentioned, this research will review the changing face of terrorism in its meaning and manifestation by exploring the characteristics of old and new terrorism, global and continental manifestations since the 9/11 attacks and the implications for South Africa's national security. It suggests that despite the links to international terrorism, the threat is not prevalent in South Africa, however counter-terrorism measures should be successful to address the threat if it arises and that the government should communicate effectively in the event that a terror-related incident occurs. / Mini Dissertation (MA)-- University of Pretoria, 2019. / Political Sciences / MA Security Studies / Unrestricted

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Florida, 2005. / Title from title page of source document. Document formatted into pages; contains 286 pages. Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--York University, 2005. Graduate Programme in Sociology. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 132-142). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:MR19657

Thesis (M. Phil.)--University of Hong Kong, 2005. / Title proper from title frame. Also available in printed format.

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published_or_final_version / Politics and Public Administration / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

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This dissertation examines the politics of labor, gender, and heritage in Turkey's carpet industry, drawing on thirteen months of comparative, multi-sited ethnographic fieldwork among carpet weavers, manufacturers, designers, exporters, and tourists. The project contributes to the debates on globalization of work and labor, in particular stressing the importance of gendered and place-specific analyses of discourses, practices and material flows. It also argues for a historically situated, genealogical understanding of agency and subject formation through the nature of relationships that develop between the actors participating in the Turkish carpet industry and the ways in which both transparency and secrecy are employed as strategies of survival within diverse sites of production and sale by culturally-defined agents.As Turkey implements social reforms vying for membership to the European Union, the culmination point of the modernization and secularization processes that started even before the formation of the nation-state, the structural economic shifts result in increasingly complex gendered power relations and negotiations in Turkey's carpet industry. This dissertation argues that a detailed analysis of Turkish carpet industry in global economic competition discloses that globalization needs to be understood as a productive discursive practice that is heavily implicated in disciplinary programs and in the ubiquity of power politics that define and justify productivity and liberalism as emancipatory universals to be emulated and ultimately reached. Yet, as this study shows, both men and women taking part in the Turkish carpet industry actively participate in several balancing acts that traversed presupposed boundaries such as public and private, informal and formal and were experienced in thresholds that constantly questioned these naturalized boundaries. Investment in fictive kinship ties as well as friendships proposed relations that depended on networks of allegiances assembled with bonds of obligation and proper ethical conduct, which resisted easy incorporation into globalist, liberal narratives of "free" individuals and workers dis-embedded from the local and assembled into the global.

This paper presents new empirical evidence on the determinants of corruption, focussing on the role of globalisation and inequality. The estimates for a panel of 102 countries over the period 1995-2005 point to three main results: (i) Detection technologies, reflected in a high level of development, human capital and political rights reduce corruption, whereas natural resource rents increase corruption; (ii) Globalisation (in terms of both trade and financial openness) has a negative effect on corruption, which is more pronounced in developing countries; (iii) Inequality increases corruption, and once the role of inequality is accounted for, the impact of globalisation on corruption is halved. In line with recent theory, this suggests that globalisation - besides reducing corruption through enhanced competition - affects corruption also by reducing inequality.

The most recent wave of Islamic revivalism began in the second half of the twentieth century as a nonviolent movement of expressing ideological differences and discontent with the political, economic, and social condition among Muslims and inspired a reformation of the Muslim identity. Today, contemporary radical Islam, with militancy and terrorist tactics as its cornerstone, has all but overshadowed the call for a nonviolent struggle and has permeated several internal conflicts across the globe. The Muslim separatist movement in the southern Philippines is one such conflict. Following decades of discontent and sporadic violence, armed conflict broke out in late 1972 when the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) launched coordinated attacks against the government. Following a failed peace agreement in 1976, divisions began to form within the MNLF and in 1984 the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) was established. The MILF, as the name indicates, placed more emphasis on Islam. In 1991, the radical Abu Sayyaf group (ASG) broke off from the MNLF claiming as its main purpose the establishment of an Islamic state. By the mid-1990s, what had originated as a nationalistic struggle advocating the concept of the â Moroâ identity, had evolved and produced two increasingly radical groups. After conducting a diachronic comparative analysis, this thesis concludes contemporary radical Islam in the southern Philippines is a fusion of both traditionalism and globalization. Furthermore, the causal factors evolved with respect to each groupâ s ideology, objectives, and tactics. Whereas the MILF was more representative of the legacy of traditional Islam, the ASG was much more a product of globalization.