Thesis (Ph. D. in Leadership and Policy Studies)--Vanderbilt University, May 2007. / Title from title screen. Includes bibliographical references.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:16:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eucaris Olaya.pdf: 23362628 bytes, checksum: 6da815e0fc3e4e092ac08c79210e12b5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-03 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis allows to analyze the dynamics that unfolded in the construction of the Women and Gender Equity Public Policy ( Política Pública de Mujer y Equidad de Género ) in the city of Bogotá during the last two administrations (i.e., 2004-2007 and 2008-2011) that are considered to be leftist. The Colombian scenery has been characterized by a social, political and armed conflict that makes the democratic and participative exercise a difficult task to achieve. However, Bogotá, the capital city, becomes another point of reference for the citizens; in particular, the proposal was articulated for the construction and management of the Public Policy of Women and Gender Equity. The hypothesis that guided the research wanted to verify if the women and feminist´s participation in the public administration contributes to the visibility of new social democratic actors, that it promotes other forms of being and doing politics in the city. Is it central to the development of this thesis, the negotiation processes, agreements and disagreements that were established in the basis for to understand the dynamics that were articulated and that shaped the Equal Opportunities Plan ( Plan de Igualdad de Oportunidades ) and the framework of the Women and Gender Equity Public Policy in Bogotá. In this respect, it could conclude in the declarations and documents collected during the investigation, which the space that women conquered in Bogotá contributes to the strengthening of democracy, to exercise the citizenship and it is a position to resist war, in defense of life, of human rights, justice and social equity / Esta tese analisa as dinâmicas desenvolvidas na construção da Política Pública de Mulheres e a Eqüidade de Gênero, na cidade de Bogotá, durante as administrações de 2004-2007 e 2008-2011, ambas consideradas de orientação política de esquerda. O cenário político colombiano, caracterizado por um conflito social, político e belicista, dificulta o exercício democrático e participativo. No entanto, Bogotá, capital do país, torna-se uma referência significativa para os cidadãos e cidadãs na medida em que se constituiu no espaço de articulação de grupos que participaram da construção e da gestão da proposta da Política Pública de Mulheres e de Equidade de Gênero. A hipótese que orientou o estudo foi a seguinte: a participação de mulheres e feministas na administração pública contribui para a visibilidade de novos protagonistas sociais e para promover outras formas de ser e fazer política na cidade. Os processos de negociação, os acordos e desacordos constituem a base para compreender as dinâmicas que se articularam e deram forma ao Plano de Igualdade de Oportunidades e o âmbito da Política Pública de mulheres e Equidade de Gênero, em Bogotá. Pode-se concluir nas declarações e documentos sistematizados durante a pesquisa que o espaço conquistado pelas mulheres, em Bogotá, contribui para o fortalecimento da democracia, para o exercício da cidadania e, no cenário da guerra, configura uma forma - ainda que em construção - de resistência e de defesa da vida, dos direitos humanos, da justiça e da igualdade social

Military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq highlighted a key characteristic of contemporary Western civil- military relations. Today, a small group of volunteers fights a distant conflict while popular familiarity with military service and war declines. There is a disconnect between this way of war and enduring cultural understandings of the appropriate normative relationship between gender (particularly masculinity), military service, and citizenship. This study examines "support the troops" (StT) discourses in the United States and United Kingdom during the "global war on terror" (2001-2010) as a representation of this on-going transformation in gendered/ing civil-military relations. Methodologically, the study employs structured discourse analysis to map an original data set of previously unexamined documents produced by UK and US state and military officials, pro-military non-governmental organizations, peace and anti-war movements, and media. It is the first systematic social scientific study of the "support the troops" phenomenon. The patterns inductively generated within the mapping are interpreted using a poststructural (re)conceptualisation of the military as a discursive structural effect, as well a formal institution and social relation. The study argues that StT is a means of addressing the gendered civilian anxiety that accompanies non-service in wartime. It finds that StT is a political contestation over the appropriate normative structure of gendered civil-military relations. Through the articulation of three ideal-typical, intertwined logics of gendered political obligation, StT discourse reconstitutes military support, rather than military service, as the sine qua non of contemporary normative citizenship. Via a series of gendered associations and contrasts with "the troops", support is further produced as a means of military participation. Correspondingly, ostensibly separate "civil" society is (re)masculinised. Together, the underlying logics of gendered political obligation work to discursively instantiate and (re)produce an idealised vision of the political community, extending and legitimating the transnational liberal social order.

This dissertation examines how a group of street vendors in Yogyakarta City, Indonesia, experienced a government-organized relocation from Mangkubumi Street to a newly renovated marketplace. In particular, I explore the strategies taken by the leaders of a street vendor organization called Pethikbumi to refuse the relocation and claim their right to the street. Contestations over streets, street vending and street vendor relocations constitute important moments during which citizenship, democracy and belonging are negotiated in the city. I argue that the conflict over belonging and democracy took the form of a social drama and was shaped and structured by specific moral appeals, public performances, and processes of imitation (cf. Turner 1974). The study begins with an exploration of the history of street vending and the pedagang kaki lima (street vendor) in Indonesia. I outline how the pedagang kaki lima were viewed as “dirty”, a simplified code for the transgression of social, spatial and legal boundaries. I move on to explore the way the street vendors of Pethikbumi drew on ideas of “the people” (rakyat), democracy and transparency in claiming their rights. I analyze the ways that Pethikbumi drew on important moments in Indonesia’s past and present, situating this relocation conflict as significant and as part of “history”. The relocation was also rooted in an epistemology of “skepticism” derived from an awareness of the ambiguity and tension between appearances and realities (cf. Anderson 1990). Pethikbumi engaged in tactics to both reveal and conceal the “unseen powers” that were imagined as working behind the scenes to generate conflict. The conflict over the relocation to a marketplace was not only a fight over who had access to the street but also a struggle over what constitutes democracy, how to achieve transparency, and who belongs in post-Suharto Indonesia.