Includes bibliographical references (leaves 75-84). / Across the globe more than 33 million people are believed to be infected with HIV/AIDS. The majority of these cases are in sub-Saharan Africa. Now that biomedical causes and behavioural risks are firmly established in the literature, social scientists must attempt to understand the underlying cultural foundations that may account for behavioural change, or a lack of change. This work is an empirical study into cultural explanations for HIV diffusion since the year 2000. Its main goal is to inform attempts to create more effective prevention programs and policy. This study utilizes a database constructed from interviews with ordinary citizens in five sub-Saharan African countries surveyed during the 2000 wave of the World Values Survey (WVS), and various health and demographic information sources. Eight thousand interviews were aggregated into thirty-one regional units for the analysis. Cultural values obtained from the WVS were compared with changes in HIV prevalence rates from 2000 to 2005 (HIV diffusion). The study focuses on three aspects of culture: female disempowerment, levels of social capital, and religiosity. Each of these broad concepts was dissected into at least three sub-concepts using data reduction methods. The relationship between these sub-concepts and HIV diffusion were compared before and after controls for education, poverty and urbanization were utilized. Based on these correlations, culture appears to be important to understanding HIV diffusion. However, its effects are not consistent. Broadly, two conclusions can be drawn from the data. First, cultural impacts vary by country. Programs based on each country's cultural dynamics will likely have more success than continent wide programs. Culture has stronger correlations with HIV diffusion in countries with smaller epidemics. Secondly, the data shows no clear relationship between different religious denominations and HIV diffusion. In addition, the correlations that exist between HIV diffusion and religiosity all show that increased religiosity leads to more diffusion. Therefore, international aid programs should avoid using religious doctrine and religious organizations as ways to enact sexual behaviour modification and reduce the spread of HIV. By creating secular, country specific programs international aid agencies can help counteract the cultural norms that appear to increase HIV diffusion.

Bibliography: leaves 82-86. / South Africa has embarked upon a major transformation process and this implies fundamental alterations in the social structure. Of course, the transformation process in South Africa cannot be described as a mechanical change intended to introduce inconsequential cosmetic changes because it entails fundamental alterations of the interaction between the state and its citizens. Beyond this, the transformation process in South Africa is not confined to the alteration of the various institutions of the state, it implies as well, fundamental alterations in culture, the manner in which different groups perceive and interact with each other and a complete eradication of supremacy mentality of one racial group over others. The magnitude with which these changes take place is bound to produce tensions and social problems in any country engaged in the democratisation agenda of its society. However, the moral precision of these social changes needs to be questioned and investigated on a continuous basis. It would be naive and dangerous for social engineers to assume that all changes brought by the transformation process are morally unobjectionable. This study explores, therefore, South Africa's past discrimination and investigates the arguments for and against affirmative action within the libertarian and contractarian frameworks. Through literature survey, the study investigates whether the application of these philosophical models can be appropriate for the South African situation. Moreover, although this study has established that both the libertarian and contractarian models offer a room for the justification of affirmative action in a situation such as South Africa's it is concluded that the scope within which these models justify affirmative action is too narrow to undo the harm created by South Africa's past injustices. Beyond this, the study explores a link between the transformation process and the restructuring of the Public Service and argues that the two should not be viewed in isolation from each other given their interdependent relationship. Equally important, the need and rationale behind instituting new management styles in the Public Service and the possible impact this would have on the overall transformation project is investigated. The entrance of South Africa into the global economic market entails serious implications on the formulation and implementation of its local programmes and other transformation initiatives and thus, the study explores this area to establish South Africa's response to global demands and expectations. Finally, it is recommended in this study that South Africa should continue with the transformation process and application of affirmative action not only because of its history but largely because of its moral correctness.

The release of Nelson Mandela in 1990 marked the beginning of a transition process during which South Africa would finally move from an authoritarian apartheid state to a democratic state that respected and upheld the basic principles of human rights. The field of ""transition politics"" is huge. It necessarily encompasses and is a reaction to the years of history prior to the period of transition, which may have (and has often) been marked by struggle, whether it was violent or passive, against the former regime. It covers areas as broad as the field of politics itself from constitution design to public administration reform. Ultimately the raison d'etre of a political transition period is encapsulated in the attempt to create a utopian ideal state or political entity which corrects the perceived injustices and faults of the system it is attempting to replace or redesign. This dissertation focuses on a small but nonetheless significant area of that attempt to create the ideal political system. It is an area than has been and remains particularly pertinent in South Africa and was particularly important during the transition period, namely the intermediation of the demands of interest groups, and in particular, the mediation of the demands of key producer interest groups.

Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-61). / In December 2007, Kenyans went to the polls to elect a president, Member of Parliament, and local councillor. As citizens who had most recently voted out one of Africa's longest standing "Big Men," in Daniel Arap Moi, there was an understandable level of excitement and enthusiasm from citizens to exercise their vote once again, as well as from the rest of world which was eager to uphold Kenya as a model of African democracy. Unfortunately as the polls closed five days later; the Kenyan Electoral Commission had been disgraced, the two main political parties were mired in ballot stuffing accusations, and violence had engulfed Nairobi, Kisumu, and the Rift Valley. While the flawed election led to an irreplaceable loss of life and severely damaged the nation's economy and reputation, it is unclear whether this flawed election would diminish Kenyan's democratic health and progress towards democratic consolidation. Indeed, recent and compelling social science evidence suggests that flawed elections do not necessarily hinder democratic development in Africa, and thus the greatest indication of Kenya's democratic progress was simply that the election was held. However, as a witness to Kenya's 2007 election, I feared that Kenya's democratic progress would be severely impeded as people voiced their discontent with elections, voting, political parties, and most importantly, democracy itself. In an attempt to determine if in fact flawed elections have a long-term detrimental impact on democratic health and consolidation I investigate the relationship between the "freeness and fairness," of elections {or electoral quality} and two indicators of democratic health: {1} popular perceptions of democratic supply and {2} popular demand for democracy. "Supply," is measured as popular satisfaction with the way democracy works plus the recognition of living in a democracy. "Demand," is measured as support for democracy plus rejection of three forms of authoritarianism, military rule, one man rule and one party rule. These indicators are aggregate measures taken from responses to Afrobarometer surveys, and have been utilized previously to assess citizen's views of democracy and the prospects for democratic growth and consolidation. Using three rounds of Afrobarometer surveys I analyze data from 18 countries and 33 elections in Africa between 1996 and 2005, using both elections and countries as the unit of analysis. The empirical results demonstrate that there is a strong correlation between electoral quality and perceived supply of democracy, but no correlation between electoral quality and the current level of demand. In other words electorates tend to see electoral outcomes as the preeminent event in determining how satisfied they are with democracy, but do not directly link the outcome of the most recent election to their support for democracy. Although the level of electoral quality did not directly correlate with the level of demand, further analysis showed that flawed elections on average negatively influence both supply and demand. Free and Fair elections, on the other hand, had a much smaller but positive influence on supply and demand. Taken together, there is compelling evidence to suggest that electoral outcomes do shape people's perception and support for democracy. If in fact citizen opinion and support for democracy is critical to democratic consolidation than this research finds that flawed elections can significantly impede democratic growth and retard the consolidation process.

Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 63-66).

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 87-93). / This study investigates the willingness of Zimbabweans to use protest participation as an alternative route to the democratisation of Zimbabwe. A set of theoretical determinants from the literature are tested against individual reports of protest participation usmg the Afrobarometer survey: Round 3. Explanations include economic, political, cultural, cognitive and collective action factors. The evidence from this study reveals that, while conventional wisdom would associate protest with the economically insecure, the unemployed and individuals who belong to the working class, in Zimbabwe protest potential is high among the urbanised, the young, professionals, educated and the economically secure. The study raises questions about the efficacy of the strategies of civil society and opposition in Zimbabwe to mobilise protest Zimbabweans, despite being marginalised and confronted with the most severe crisis, are not inclined to push for economic and political transformation.

Thesis--University of Wisconsin--Madison. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

By end of 20th Century, democratization has become a major global phenomenon. In Taiwan, since Democratic Progress Party registered as lawful political party till the period it seized power, serial political democratization had attracted the eyes of the world. Through the 3rd wave of democratization which pushed Taiwan into a democratic country, democratic governance has become the key engineering work for concreting democracy. In Taiwan, though authoritative ruling had been ended and the decision mode of party leading government and administrative superior were collapsed, but there are all kinds of difficult problems in governance emerged, including the boycotting and the confrontation and antagonism between the Executive Yuan and Legislative Yuan, the interactive relationship between elected administrator and bureaucratic system and the disorder in the decision making system in administrative system, malpractice and corruption of government employees, recession of economy and unemployment rate maintaining high together lead to conflict between ethnic groups, corruption and social disorder and moral downgrading, despite the people is nominally the master of the country, and the confusion, disorder and unrest plus the uncertainty toward the future has brought up the core of problem, which is the governing structure under democratic political system need be established and concreted as soon as possible. This paper utilize the material and date obtained in interviews under ¡§ Taiwan¡¦s Election and Democratization Study, 2003 (TEDS 2003)¡¨. It attempts to study the differences in evaluation of democracy, participation in democracy and democratic value as generated from the individual background factors as well as their evaluation of the current democratic governance. It is hope to draw practical suggestion of democratic governance which would serve as a lead for breaking of present difficult situation of Taiwan.

The author's Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin, 1914. / Reprinted from Ohio Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, v. 24, no. 1, Jan. 1915. Bibliography: p. 3-5.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Columbia University, 1939. / Vita. "This study is limited to that portion of the Congo known as the Bas-Congo, located near the mouth of the Congo River."--P. 7.