Emotional child abuse is recognised as the unifying construct of child abuse (Brassard & Gelardo, 1987). Defining emotional child abuse (ECA) is an area of debate in the literature and a widely recognised definition has yet to be developed. There is general agreement on the definition of resilience with most making reference to adapting and coping well in the face of adversity. Recent research has questioned the implied unidimensionality of the term. A research study was designed with several aims: to explore how ECA is defined by professionals working in the area of child abuse, and by members of the general public; to develop an understanding of the nature of ECA from adults who self-identified as having experienced ECA; and, to examine the ways in which these adults coped, and dealt with ECA and its effects. Further aims of the research following from these were to develop a definition of ECA, and to identify implications for practice for those working in the area of ECA. Attachment theory (Bowlby, 1969, 1988; Crittenden & Ainsworth, 1989) was the theoretical base for the research. The literature on resilience was reviewed with a particular focus on ECA. Consistent findings in the literature on the cost of resiliency in the area of emotional well-being and functioning were explored and used to critically examine the clinical utility of the term. Two surveys were developed, one for distribution to all the professionals working in the area of child abuse in statutory agencies in Auckland; and one for distribution to a sample of adults living in the greater Auckland area. Comparison of the conceptual and specific categories derived from the definitions of ECA provided by the professional group (N=l8l) and the lay group (N=142) indicated considerable agreement. Differences between the groups on the relative frequency of use of the categories were explained and directions for future research were suggested. Concurrence between the findings of this study and others on developing a definition of ECA supported the existence of ECA as a separate and consistent form of child maltreatment. Adults who saw themselves as having experienced ECA were identified through the general public and professional surveys (N=30). They were individually interviewed using a semi-structured format about the nature of the ECA they had experienced and how they had coped with it as a child, adolescent, and adult. The interviews, and relevant material from the surveys, were analysed using a Grounded Theory approach. The themes that emerged from the material on the nature of ECA were grouped into four areas: the nature of ECA; the effects of ECA; the context of ECA; and, disclosure of ECA. The themes that emerged on how participants coped and dealt with the ECA they had experienced revealed a range of coping strategies and changes in these across the broad developmental stages of childhood, adolescence, and adulthood. An important distinction that emerged was that between coping with the ECA and dealing with it. The cost of coping was a prominent theme and concurred with findings in the literature. The implications for practice and directions for future research generated by these findings are discussed. A theoretical definition developed from the research findings is presented and applied to specific examples from the research.

Emotional child abuse is recognised as the unifying construct of child abuse (Brassard & Gelardo, 1987). Defining emotional child abuse (ECA) is an area of debate in the literature and a widely recognised definition has yet to be developed. There is general agreement on the definition of resilience with most making reference to adapting and coping well in the face of adversity. Recent research has questioned the implied unidimensionality of the term. A research study was designed with several aims: to explore how ECA is defined by professionals working in the area of child abuse, and by members of the general public; to develop an understanding of the nature of ECA from adults who self-identified as having experienced ECA; and, to examine the ways in which these adults coped, and dealt with ECA and its effects. Further aims of the research following from these were to develop a definition of ECA, and to identify implications for practice for those working in the area of ECA. Attachment theory (Bowlby, 1969, 1988; Crittenden & Ainsworth, 1989) was the theoretical base for the research. The literature on resilience was reviewed with a particular focus on ECA. Consistent findings in the literature on the cost of resiliency in the area of emotional well-being and functioning were explored and used to critically examine the clinical utility of the term. Two surveys were developed, one for distribution to all the professionals working in the area of child abuse in statutory agencies in Auckland; and one for distribution to a sample of adults living in the greater Auckland area. Comparison of the conceptual and specific categories derived from the definitions of ECA provided by the professional group (N=l8l) and the lay group (N=142) indicated considerable agreement. Differences between the groups on the relative frequency of use of the categories were explained and directions for future research were suggested. Concurrence between the findings of this study and others on developing a definition of ECA supported the existence of ECA as a separate and consistent form of child maltreatment. Adults who saw themselves as having experienced ECA were identified through the general public and professional surveys (N=30). They were individually interviewed using a semi-structured format about the nature of the ECA they had experienced and how they had coped with it as a child, adolescent, and adult. The interviews, and relevant material from the surveys, were analysed using a Grounded Theory approach. The themes that emerged from the material on the nature of ECA were grouped into four areas: the nature of ECA; the effects of ECA; the context of ECA; and, disclosure of ECA. The themes that emerged on how participants coped and dealt with the ECA they had experienced revealed a range of coping strategies and changes in these across the broad developmental stages of childhood, adolescence, and adulthood. An important distinction that emerged was that between coping with the ECA and dealing with it. The cost of coping was a prominent theme and concurred with findings in the literature. The implications for practice and directions for future research generated by these findings are discussed. A theoretical definition developed from the research findings is presented and applied to specific examples from the research.

Emotional child abuse is recognised as the unifying construct of child abuse (Brassard & Gelardo, 1987). Defining emotional child abuse (ECA) is an area of debate in the literature and a widely recognised definition has yet to be developed. There is general agreement on the definition of resilience with most making reference to adapting and coping well in the face of adversity. Recent research has questioned the implied unidimensionality of the term. A research study was designed with several aims: to explore how ECA is defined by professionals working in the area of child abuse, and by members of the general public; to develop an understanding of the nature of ECA from adults who self-identified as having experienced ECA; and, to examine the ways in which these adults coped, and dealt with ECA and its effects. Further aims of the research following from these were to develop a definition of ECA, and to identify implications for practice for those working in the area of ECA. Attachment theory (Bowlby, 1969, 1988; Crittenden & Ainsworth, 1989) was the theoretical base for the research. The literature on resilience was reviewed with a particular focus on ECA. Consistent findings in the literature on the cost of resiliency in the area of emotional well-being and functioning were explored and used to critically examine the clinical utility of the term. Two surveys were developed, one for distribution to all the professionals working in the area of child abuse in statutory agencies in Auckland; and one for distribution to a sample of adults living in the greater Auckland area. Comparison of the conceptual and specific categories derived from the definitions of ECA provided by the professional group (N=l8l) and the lay group (N=142) indicated considerable agreement. Differences between the groups on the relative frequency of use of the categories were explained and directions for future research were suggested. Concurrence between the findings of this study and others on developing a definition of ECA supported the existence of ECA as a separate and consistent form of child maltreatment. Adults who saw themselves as having experienced ECA were identified through the general public and professional surveys (N=30). They were individually interviewed using a semi-structured format about the nature of the ECA they had experienced and how they had coped with it as a child, adolescent, and adult. The interviews, and relevant material from the surveys, were analysed using a Grounded Theory approach. The themes that emerged from the material on the nature of ECA were grouped into four areas: the nature of ECA; the effects of ECA; the context of ECA; and, disclosure of ECA. The themes that emerged on how participants coped and dealt with the ECA they had experienced revealed a range of coping strategies and changes in these across the broad developmental stages of childhood, adolescence, and adulthood. An important distinction that emerged was that between coping with the ECA and dealing with it. The cost of coping was a prominent theme and concurred with findings in the literature. The implications for practice and directions for future research generated by these findings are discussed. A theoretical definition developed from the research findings is presented and applied to specific examples from the research.

Emotional child abuse is recognised as the unifying construct of child abuse (Brassard & Gelardo, 1987). Defining emotional child abuse (ECA) is an area of debate in the literature and a widely recognised definition has yet to be developed. There is general agreement on the definition of resilience with most making reference to adapting and coping well in the face of adversity. Recent research has questioned the implied unidimensionality of the term. A research study was designed with several aims: to explore how ECA is defined by professionals working in the area of child abuse, and by members of the general public; to develop an understanding of the nature of ECA from adults who self-identified as having experienced ECA; and, to examine the ways in which these adults coped, and dealt with ECA and its effects. Further aims of the research following from these were to develop a definition of ECA, and to identify implications for practice for those working in the area of ECA. Attachment theory (Bowlby, 1969, 1988; Crittenden & Ainsworth, 1989) was the theoretical base for the research. The literature on resilience was reviewed with a particular focus on ECA. Consistent findings in the literature on the cost of resiliency in the area of emotional well-being and functioning were explored and used to critically examine the clinical utility of the term. Two surveys were developed, one for distribution to all the professionals working in the area of child abuse in statutory agencies in Auckland; and one for distribution to a sample of adults living in the greater Auckland area. Comparison of the conceptual and specific categories derived from the definitions of ECA provided by the professional group (N=l8l) and the lay group (N=142) indicated considerable agreement. Differences between the groups on the relative frequency of use of the categories were explained and directions for future research were suggested. Concurrence between the findings of this study and others on developing a definition of ECA supported the existence of ECA as a separate and consistent form of child maltreatment. Adults who saw themselves as having experienced ECA were identified through the general public and professional surveys (N=30). They were individually interviewed using a semi-structured format about the nature of the ECA they had experienced and how they had coped with it as a child, adolescent, and adult. The interviews, and relevant material from the surveys, were analysed using a Grounded Theory approach. The themes that emerged from the material on the nature of ECA were grouped into four areas: the nature of ECA; the effects of ECA; the context of ECA; and, disclosure of ECA. The themes that emerged on how participants coped and dealt with the ECA they had experienced revealed a range of coping strategies and changes in these across the broad developmental stages of childhood, adolescence, and adulthood. An important distinction that emerged was that between coping with the ECA and dealing with it. The cost of coping was a prominent theme and concurred with findings in the literature. The implications for practice and directions for future research generated by these findings are discussed. A theoretical definition developed from the research findings is presented and applied to specific examples from the research.

Cannabis (and its main psychoactive component, THC) is one of the most widely-used drugs in the world, and recent expansion of its legal status has made it available in a variety of formulations and at a potency unrivaled in history. While its medicinal properties are gaining scientific support, so too is its potential to lead to abuse and dependence. Both initiation of cannabis use and frequent cannabis use are most prevalent in adolescence, and compared to adults, cannabis use by adolescents is associated with a greater likelihood of developing cannabis dependence and cannabis use disorder. Given the ethical limitations surrounding research that provides cannabis to non-users or non-adults, animal models of drug use can be valuable tools for the study of causes and consequences related to drug use, as well as allowing for investigating brain mechanisms underlying these factors. However, only recently have models in which animals reliably use cannabis (THC) at levels above its respective vehicle and at levels which produce consistent behavioral and physiological effects become available, and in no case has age-related differences in this use been examined. Thus, one goal of the current study was to directly compare the self-administration of edible THC (a route of administration used by humans and a formulation increasing in popularity) between adolescent and adult mice.<br><div> Adolescents also appear to be differentially sensitive to various effects of several classes of drugs, and they have been shown to be less sensitive to the aversive effects of cannabis, thereby putting them at greater risk for elevated and continued use. Evidence also suggests that, in addition to the risk associated with adolescent cannabis use, having initial positive subjective experiences resulting from its use is a strong predictor of subsequent cannabis dependence. Thus, the second goal of the current study was to use the place conditioning paradigm to examine the reward- (or aversion-) inducing properties of THC in adolescent and adult C57BL/6J mice, using both the traditional experimenter-administered THC (via injection) as well as edible THC self-administration.</div><div> Prior to initiating these THC studies, sensitivity of the place conditioning procedure to age-related differences in drug-induced reward was validated using cocaine, yielding locomotor stimulation in both ages and a decreased sensitivity to cocaine’s rewarding properties in adolescent mice. When provided limited access to edible THC dough in doses ranging from 0.0 to 6.0 mg/kg, mice showed a dose-dependent reduction in consumption across access sessions, and this reduction was more rapid in adult mice at the highest doses, suggesting that adolescent mice might have been less sensitive to its aversive properties. These same mice, as well as a separate group of mice receiving injection (also 0.0 to 6.0 mg/kg THC), were given place conditioning sessions, alternating between THC dough and control dough or THC injection and vehicle injection, for 6 days per week and were tested once per week across a total of 3 weeks. Mice conditioned using edible THC showed a neutral response (neither reward nor aversion) at all doses. However, mice conditioned using injected THC showed a conditioned place aversion to the highest dose, which was more pronounced in adult mice. Interestingly, in mice self-administering edible THC, the dose of THC consumed was related to the outcome of place conditioning, such that a conditioned place preference was observed for adult mice which shifted their consumption of 3.0 mg/kg edible THC downward relative to those mice with full consumption of 3.0 mg/kg, and for adolescent mice which had the highest degree of consumption of 6.0 mg/kg edible THC relative to those mice with the lowest consumption of 6.0 mg/kg. Furthermore, initial place preference outcomes at the individual level at test 1 predicted subsequent doses of edible THC consumed, suggesting mice adjust their self-administration of edible THC based on the subjective experience it produces. Besides its impact in place conditioning, THC also had differential effects on body weight and locomotor activity based on age and route of administration. Collectively, this project demonstrates that adolescent mice are less sensitive to the hedonic properties of both cocaine and THC, and that differences in edible THC self-administration between ages, and between individuals within an age, are likely related the subjective experience of its rewarding and aversive properties.</div>

<p>  </p> <p>Latinx adolescents from immigrant families often face more challenges than their peers due to simultaneously navigating the demands of two cultures. Many Latinx children are expected to contribute to the household in multiple ways, such as engagement in tasks like filial responsibility, which can impact their development. Filial responsibility is composed of three dimensions 1) instrumental caregiving (e.g., cleaning, translating, and paying bills), 2) emotional caregiving (e.g., providing emotional support to the family), and 3) perceived unfairness (i.e., feelings about whether caregiving tasks are fair). The present study aimed to examine the dimensions of filial responsibility and their relations to internalizing and externalizing problems in Latinx youth and whether perceived unfairness acted as a mediator. Participants were 176 Latinx youth (<em>M</em>age = 15.51 years, 66% female). Our SEM model demonstrated that filial responsibility (instrumental and emotional caregiving) did not have a mediating effect on perceived unfairness in youth adjustment.  Evidence was found for filial responsibility (emotional and instrumental caregiving) being differentially related to youth adjustment directly over time. Instrumental caregiving at T1 negatively predicted internalizing behaviors at T2, while T1 emotional caregiving positively predicted both internalizing and externalizing behaviors at T2 (controlling for prior youth adjustment). Results demonstrate the importance of independently examining the impact of instrumental and emotional caregiving on youth adjustment. Future studies should assess the impact of caregiving tasks on other youth outcomes such as academic success. </p>

While a growing body of research indicates that older adults typically perform more poorly on many types of memory tasks than do younger adults, relatively little research has addressed the question of whether this trend continues unchanged into the late ninth and tenth decades of life. Such decrements in memory have been reported as linear declines from early adulthood up until about 80 years of age. Questions arise as to whether such memory declines slow or accelerate in very advanced aging, and to what extent differences are due to aging, per se, or variables that intervene between age and memory.To address these two questions, six memory types - verbal recall, nonverbal recall, short-term memory, working memory, face recognition, and prospective memory - were examined using both cross-sectional and longitudinal methodologies. The six types of memory and the influence of verbal processing speed, nonverbal processing speed, and intelligence were examined in mixed-gender groups of 20 - 40 (n = 40, M = 30.7, SD = 5.52), 50 - 70 (n = 44, M = 59.2, SD = 4.94), and 85+ year olds (n = 42, M = 87.8, SD = 2.43), at two points, the second occurring two years after the first. Each participant completed tests of word recall, geometric shapes recall, short-term memory (digit span), working memory (letter-number sequencing), face recognition, and prospective memory. Additionally, there were two processing speed tasks (Identical Pictures and Finding As), and the National Adult Reading Test of verbal fluency was used to estimate intelligence. The Mini-Mental State Examination and the Beck Depression Inventory (BDI-II) were used to screen for dementia and depression, respectively.At Time 1 testing the 85+ participants showed declines in all memory types (compared to the 20 - 40 year olds). Nonverbal recall (66.2% lower than the young group), working memory (46.2%), verbal recall (45%), and prospective memory (38.2%) produced the largest differences, short-term memory (12.3%) and face recognition (14.7%) the least. Two years later, the 85+ years old participants had shown further declines, relative to the 20 - 40 years group. Nonverbal recall (72.3% lower than the young group), prospective memory (63.2%), working memory (55.3%), and verbal recall (54.7%) continued to produce the largest decrements, with short-term memory (18.9%) and face recognition (19.8%) the least. The results for the young and middle participants did not change appreciably between Time 1 and Time 2. The difference between unadjusted scores and scores adjusted for intelligence, verbal processing speed, and nonverbal processing speed, increased markedly between Time 1 and Time 2 testing for the oldest-old participants.These findings support the view that while memory declines may be approximately linear from age 20 to 80 years, there is a sharp decline in most types of memory after the age of 85 years, recall and working memory suffering the most. Intelligence and processing speed have an effect on some types of memory, but age is by far the largest contributor to memory decline. Furthermore, as expected, all memory types declined over the two-year period, with prospective memory, verbal recall, nonverbal recall, and working memory showing the greatest declines. Short-term memory and face recognition declined at a noticeably slower rate.

This thesis has three key aims, firstly to explore the effects that perceived age and ability have on person perception. Secondly to discover how these two constructs add to the theory on person perception and thirdly, to test a new methodological approach to the study of person perception.

This thesis has three key aims, firstly to explore the effects that perceived age and ability have on person perception. Secondly to discover how these two constructs add to the theory on person perception and thirdly, to test a new methodological approach to the study of person perception.

Perceptions of increased rates of violence worldwide have heightened the need to understand what children think about their experiences as victims or witnesses of violence. Few studies have examined violence from the viewpoint of children. The purpose of this study was to examine children's perceptions of the prevalence, incidence, and impact of violence experienced or witnessed by them and to explore the factors that might mitigate and reduce its impact. A national survey of New Zealand children, aged 9 to 13 years, with a representative sample of 2,077 children from 28 randomly selected schools of various sizes, geographic areas and socioeconomic neighbourhoods was undertaken. A questionnaire was developed for children to report the nature and extent of physical, sexual and emotional violence (including bullying) experienced within their main contexts (home and school). To assess the impact of this violence, as well as children's perceptions of school, their coping experiences, and the extent to which they used violence in their own interpersonal relationships, analyses of data comprised frequencies, bivariate correlations, t-tests, and multiple regressions. Results showed high prevalence rates of physical, emotional, and sexual violence. Comparison of the three types of violence revealed emotional violence to be the most prevalent form of violence and as having more impact on children than physical violence. Sexual violence had the most overall impact. Witnessing violence was more prevalent and, except for sexual victimisation, also had greater impact than direct violence. All types of violence involving adults were rated higher than violence involving children. The study also examined the ethical considerations and philosophy underpinning research that involves children. Guided by Article 12 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, the results support the controversial ethical decision to adopt a passive consent procedure. The study demonstrated children's competence to express the ways in which violence has affected them. Conclusions are that effective development of policy and provision should be based on data that reflects children's perceptions of the violence in the context of their own lives