John Diefenbakers Latin American policy was based on his vision of Canadas national interest, which placed a strong emphasis on the achievement of greater autonomy in foreign policy for Canada vis-à-vis the US and the expansion of Canadian exports to the region. For Diefenbaker, an enhanced relationship with Latin America had the potential to lessen Canadas dependency on the US, while giving Latin American countries an outlet for their trade, commercial and financial relations other than the US. This new approach implied that Canada would formulate and implement policy that focused more on Canadian political interests and goals. It was not a matter of charting a totally independent policy for Canada in Latin America true policy independence was impossible to achieve. Nor was it the case that Canada would necessarily set itself in opposition to the US when it disagreed with its policies. For Diefenbaker the goal was to pursue a foreign policy that was aligned with, but not subservient to, the US.<p> Ultimately, Diefenbakers policies towards countries such as Cuba, Mexico, the Federation of the West Indies, Argentina and Brazil were somewhat successful in expanding Canadian trade and commercial activity beyond the United States, and in establishing a stronger political relationship between Canada and the Latin American region. The policies were remarkably consistent, reflecting Diefenbakers desire to increase Canadas autonomy, and differentiated by his personal involvement in initiating policy at the Cabinet level and in building and cultivating relationships with Latin American leaders; the goal was to further Canadian economic and political interests in the region. Though there were possibilities for greater expansion and connections with Latin America that were missed, Diefenbakers Latin American policy would be built upon and continued by successive Liberal and Conservative governments once he left office.

Diss.--Universität Giessen.

Thèse--Université de Paris. / "Bibliographie": p. [7]-8.

This thesis examines Finland’s relations with Britain and the United States from 1939-1941. During this period, Finland engaged in two wars against the Soviet Union. In 1939-1940 Finland defended itself against a Soviet attack with the emotional and material support of Britain and the United States. By 1941 Finland was once again at war with the Soviet Union. The geopolitical situation had changed so significantly that Finland found itself aligned with Germany against the Soviet Union. Consequently Finnish relations with the western democracies were strained, although Britain and the United States had previously supported Finland against the Soviet Union. This thesis examines the differences in foreign policy and public opinion in Britain and the United States and the nature of their relations with Finland from 1939-1941.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Columbia University, 1936. / Without thesis note. "Cases cited": p. xv-xx. "Sources cited": p. 225-243.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Columbia University, 1936. / Without thesis note. "Cases cited": p. xv-xx. "Sources cited": p. 225-243.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1975. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thèse--Université de Paris. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thèse--Université de Paris. / "Bibliographie": p. [7]-8.

Since the turn of the 21st century, the world has witnessed a change in conflict towards a greater incidence of intra-state conflict, while efforts to end it have also improved in a number of ways, at least in relation to conceptual and policy tools for resolution and peacebuilding. This applies to the situation in Africa as well. In response, on 31 October 2000, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) adopted the Resolution 1325 that stressed the protection of women in conflict situations and called for and provided for a broad framework for empowering women to take part in the prevention and resolution of conflict including in peace building, post-conflict reconstruction and mediation. South Africa is considered one of the most progressive countries in the pursuit of empowerment of women evidenced in the large numbers of women in parliament, the passing of gender-sensitive policies that protect women from violence and prejudice, and the setting up of structures like SA Women in Dialogue to promote women involvement in peace-making. Whether the same progressive conduct can be found in relation to its implementation of the UNSCR 1325 on women, peace and security is uncertain. The literature is unclear about the implications of this failure to plan implementation as part of the discussion of the actual evidence of implementation of the resolution, if at all. Of particular interest is that South Africa has also made a name for itself for championing peaceful resolution of conflict in line with the UN charter and the African Union’s Constitutive Act. Its mediation efforts in countries like Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Lesotho and Zimbabwe have received a lot of attention from political dialogues and academic discussions alike. Yet, this literature is silence on the extent to which South Africa has included women in mediation and the reasons why this has not been a remarkable achievement in spite of South Africa’s proud record in gender empowerment generally. Given the country’s involvement in mediation efforts, this study analyses whether these efforts have complied with UNSCR 1325 requirements of equal opportunity for appointment and inclusion of women as lead mediators and Special Envoys. Employing a feminist conflict theory lens on available primary and secondary data, the study finds that, indeed South Africa has not done enough consciously to implement the terms of the resolution and has performed poorly on the involvement of women in its sizeable list of mediation efforts, thus undermining the moral standing of its interventions. A number of reasons are offered to explain this including historical, institutional and societal ones. A few recommendations are outlined at the end. / Mini Dissertation (MDips)--University of Pretoria, 2018. / Political Sciences / MA Diplomatic Studies / Unrestricted