Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Texas at Austin, 2007. / Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 420-428). Available electronically via the University of Texas at Austin's web site.

published_or_final_version / Architecture / Master / Master of Architecture

Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Jan 8, 2010). Includes bibliographical references.

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Resumo: Este trabalho aborda o papel do Ministério das Relações Exteriores (MRE-Itamaraty) após o golpe de Estado de março de 1964, especificamente durante as gestões Castelo Branco (1964- 1967) e Costa e Silva (1967-1969). Sustentamos que o órgão não é uma burocracia insulada, mas sim um órgão que pode, como qualquer outra instituição, assimilar interesses políticos e ideológicos dos governantes do momento e atuar em função destes. Argumentamos que isso vale também para seu comportamento nos anos de institucionalização do regime ditatorial no Brasil. Procuramos compreender como o Ministério se comportou analisando três processos principais: o expurgo realizado no órgão, a formulação da política externa do novo regime e o esforço de legitimação internacional do mesmo por meio da diplomacia. Para avaliar nossa hipótese, utilizamos a literatura especializada, os principais documentos oficiais do período e duas bases de dados exclusivas: a primeira, dos diplomatas brasileiros (1889 a 2010) e, a segunda, de eventos de política exterior (1930 a 1985). Com isso, a dissertação nos ajudará a compreender como o Itamaraty reagiu frente a mudanças do regime governamental e as consequências disso para a própria organização diplomática. / Abstract: This dissertation examines the role of the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MREItamaraty) after the March 1964 coup d’État, specifically during the administrations of Castelo Branco (1964-1967) and Costa e Silva (1967-1969). We argue that the Ministry is not an insulated bureaucracy, but rather an organ that can, as any other government agency, assimilate the political and ideological interests of the ruling groups and act based on them. We argue that this holds true for its behavior during the institutionalization of the dictatorial regime in Brazil. We tried to understand how the MRE behaved through the analysis of three main processes: the purge carried out in the institution, the foreign policy formulation of the new regime, and its effort to gain international legitimacy through diplomacy. In order to evaluate our hypothesis, we used the specialized literature on the subject, the main official documents of the period, and two exclusive databases: the first, a database on Brazilian diplomats (from 1889 to 2010); the second, a database on foreign policy events (from 1930 to 1985). By doing so, this dissertation will help us understand how Itamaraty responded to regime changes and the consequences for the diplomatic organization itself. / Resumen: Este trabajo aborda el papel del Ministerio de las Relaciones Exteriores (MRE-Itamaraty) con posterioridad al golpe de Estado de marzo de 1964, específicamente durante las gestiones Castelo Branco (1964-1967) y Costa e Silva (1967-1969). Sustentamos que el órgano no es una burocracia aislada, mas que puede, como cualquier otra institución, asimilar intereses políticos e ideológicos de los gobernantes del momento y actuar en función de este. Argumentamos que eso vale también para su comportamiento en los años de institucionalización del régimen dictatorial en Brasil. Procuramos comprender como el Ministerio se comportó analizando tres procesos principales: la expurgación realizada en el órgano, la formulación de la política externa del nuevo régimen y el esfuerzo de legitimación internacional do mismo por medio de la diplomacia. Para evaluar nuestra hipótesis, utilizamos la literatura especializada, los principales documentos oficiales del período y dos bases de datos exclusivas: la primera, de los diplomáticos brasileros (1889 a 2010) y, la segunda, de eventos de política exterior (1930 a 1985). Con eso, la disertación nos ayudará a comprender como Itamaraty reaccionó frente a las mudanzas del régimen gubernamental y las consecuencias de esto para la propia organización diplomática. / Mestre

Submitted by GESSICA FERNANDA DO CARMO null (gessicafdcarmo@gmail.com) on 2018-05-20T23:28:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação-Gessica F Carmo_STD2018.pdf: 3418844 bytes, checksum: d795ceec7498b758c03ac86ba346db99 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Janaina Celoto Guerrero de Mendonça (jcguerrero@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-05-21T18:54:17Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 carmo_gf_me_mar.pdf: 3418844 bytes, checksum: d795ceec7498b758c03ac86ba346db99 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-21T18:54:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 carmo_gf_me_mar.pdf: 3418844 bytes, checksum: d795ceec7498b758c03ac86ba346db99 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-22 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Este trabalho aborda o papel do Ministério das Relações Exteriores (MRE-Itamaraty) após o golpe de Estado de março de 1964, especificamente durante as gestões Castelo Branco (1964- 1967) e Costa e Silva (1967-1969). Sustentamos que o órgão não é uma burocracia insulada, mas sim um órgão que pode, como qualquer outra instituição, assimilar interesses políticos e ideológicos dos governantes do momento e atuar em função destes. Argumentamos que isso vale também para seu comportamento nos anos de institucionalização do regime ditatorial no Brasil. Procuramos compreender como o Ministério se comportou analisando três processos principais: o expurgo realizado no órgão, a formulação da política externa do novo regime e o esforço de legitimação internacional do mesmo por meio da diplomacia. Para avaliar nossa hipótese, utilizamos a literatura especializada, os principais documentos oficiais do período e duas bases de dados exclusivas: a primeira, dos diplomatas brasileiros (1889 a 2010) e, a segunda, de eventos de política exterior (1930 a 1985). Com isso, a dissertação nos ajudará a compreender como o Itamaraty reagiu frente a mudanças do regime governamental e as consequências disso para a própria organização diplomática. / This dissertation examines the role of the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MREItamaraty) after the March 1964 coup d’État, specifically during the administrations of Castelo Branco (1964-1967) and Costa e Silva (1967-1969). We argue that the Ministry is not an insulated bureaucracy, but rather an organ that can, as any other government agency, assimilate the political and ideological interests of the ruling groups and act based on them. We argue that this holds true for its behavior during the institutionalization of the dictatorial regime in Brazil. We tried to understand how the MRE behaved through the analysis of three main processes: the purge carried out in the institution, the foreign policy formulation of the new regime, and its effort to gain international legitimacy through diplomacy. In order to evaluate our hypothesis, we used the specialized literature on the subject, the main official documents of the period, and two exclusive databases: the first, a database on Brazilian diplomats (from 1889 to 2010); the second, a database on foreign policy events (from 1930 to 1985). By doing so, this dissertation will help us understand how Itamaraty responded to regime changes and the consequences for the diplomatic organization itself. / Este trabajo aborda el papel del Ministerio de las Relaciones Exteriores (MRE-Itamaraty) con posterioridad al golpe de Estado de marzo de 1964, específicamente durante las gestiones Castelo Branco (1964-1967) y Costa e Silva (1967-1969). Sustentamos que el órgano no es una burocracia aislada, mas que puede, como cualquier otra institución, asimilar intereses políticos e ideológicos de los gobernantes del momento y actuar en función de este. Argumentamos que eso vale también para su comportamiento en los años de institucionalización del régimen dictatorial en Brasil. Procuramos comprender como el Ministerio se comportó analizando tres procesos principales: la expurgación realizada en el órgano, la formulación de la política externa del nuevo régimen y el esfuerzo de legitimación internacional do mismo por medio de la diplomacia. Para evaluar nuestra hipótesis, utilizamos la literatura especializada, los principales documentos oficiales del período y dos bases de datos exclusivas: la primera, de los diplomáticos brasileros (1889 a 2010) y, la segunda, de eventos de política exterior (1930 a 1985). Con eso, la disertación nos ayudará a comprender como Itamaraty reaccionó frente a las mudanzas del régimen gubernamental y las consecuencias de esto para la propia organización diplomática. / .

In a survey conducted, as part of this research, 83,33% of participating South African diplomats indicated that the effects of cultural diversity and culture shock are underestimated. As South African diplomats are expected by the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO) to work effectively in a crosscultural environment abroad, the psychological disorientation caused by culture shock could have a negative effect when working and living abroad. Severe culture shock could cause a high level of strain, which could influence the ability of diplomats to adapt effectively abroad, including spouse or partner dissatisfaction resulting from culture shock depression. This could lead to a diplomat requesting to return to his or her home country, with the associated high financial costs. Cultural diversity training is defined by various authors as one aspect that could assist in minimising culture shock since training provides knowledge, insight and skills to deal with the negative effects of culture shock when deployed abroad. Furthermore, the South African Public Service Act [1994] requires that human resource managers within government departments, such as DIRCO, have the responsibility to ensure that staff are effectively utilised and trained. The question that subsequently directed this research was the following: What should be included in the curriculum of a training programme aimed at minimising culture shock among South African diplomats? The research assessed the current culture shock training programme at DIRCO against international best practice, and it was found that a cultural diversity training programme in culture shock should comprise specific fundamentals, components and defining attributes relevant to definitions and explanations on culture, culture-specific information, cross-cultural skills, conflict resolution and dealing with culture shock in terms of cultural diversity, which has the potential of reducing culture shock among South African diplomats effectively. This research also found that there appears to be a gap in the scholarly literature and knowledge within the field of Public Administration on the defining attributes of a cultural diversity training programme with the potential of reducing culture shock among diplomats. Ongoing research is encouraged and recommended in this particular field of study within the public sector. / Public Administration / D.P.A.

Officier de cavalerie originaire de la noblesse picarde, Armand de Caulaincourt (1773-1827) gravit rapidement tous les échelons de la cour consulaire puis impériale, devenant en 1804 grand-écuyer de l’Empire. Mais, malgré l’importance de ses fonctions curiales, Napoléon le destine à une carrière de diplomate. Après différentes missions, il le nomme ambassadeur de France en Russie, à la fin de l’année 1807. Fervent partisan de l’alliance de Tilsit, Caulaincourt participe à toutes les grandes négociations franco-russes mais doit assister à la lente dégradation des relations entre les deux empires. À son retour à Paris en 1811, son bilan politique est maigre. Sa défense opiniâtre du tsar Alexandre, mais surtout son opposition à la campagne militaire qui se prépare, irritent Napoléon. Elles lui permettent toutefois d’acquérir une nouvelle stature après le désastre de Russie : pour ses contemporains Caulaincourt devient l’« homme de la paix ». Une image que Napoléon réutilise lorsqu’il le charge de le représenter aux congrès de Prague (1813) et de Châtillon (1814). Le duc de Vicence, devenu ministre des Relations extérieures, ne parvient pas à faire accepter la paix ; il lui faut finalement négocier l’abdication de Napoléon et renoncer, après les Cent-Jours, à toute carrière politique. Cette étude, qui s’appuie sur les archives personnelles de Caulaincourt et ses célèbres Mémoires, entend redonner toute son importance à cette figure majeure du Premier Empire, en insistant sur son action et sa pensée dans le domaine de la diplomatie. L’exemple de ce parcours devant permettre de contribuer à reconsidérer et réévaluer le rôle du personnel diplomatique napoléonien. / A cavalry officer born into Picardy's landed gentry, Armand de Caulaincourt rose rapidly through the ranks of the consular, and later the imperial court, to become in 1804 Grand Squire of the Empire. However, notwithstanding the importance of his curial functions, Napoleon destined him to a diplomatic career. After several missions, he was appointed as Ambassador of France to Russia (1807). Caulaincourt took part in all the major negotiations between France and Russia, but was forced to witness a slow breakdown in relations between the two Empires. At the time of his return to Paris in 1811, his political accomplishments were unimpressive. His stalwart defense of Tsar Alexander, and especially his opposition to the upcoming military campaign, were an irritation to Napoleon. Nevertheless, these stances allowed him to gain new stature after the disaster in Russia : in the eyes of his contemporaries, he became the “Peacemaker”, an image Napoleon used to his advantage by appointing him his representative at the congresses in Prague (1813) and in Châtillon (1814). The Duke of Vicenza, now Minister for Foreign Affairs, could not, however, broker an agreement in favour of peace : he was forced to negotiate Napoleon's abdication and to give up any hope of political career after the Hundred Days. This study, based on Caulaincourt's personal records and famous Memoirs, aims at restoring a major figure of the First French Empire to his due importance, while focusing on his action and thought in the field of diplomacy. The exemplary value of his career should also allow historians to reconsider and reevaluate the role of Napoleon's diplomatic personnel.