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English exploration in North America before Jamestown has been relatively neglected, except for Sir Walter Raleigh's Lost Colony. This study is a survey of the contacts which the Tudor English, 1497-1603, made with North American natives.John Cabot and his young sons reached North America in 1497. He or one of his successors took three American aborigines to England. Henry VII showed concern for natives of North America and suggested that his explorers make rules designed to protect the aborigines. Henry VIII helped finance voyages to America and indirectly laid foundations for later English discovery and colonization, but his son, Edward VI, and his daughter Mary were little interested in furthering English activities in North America.Elizabeth the Protestant was enthusiastic about America and about Christianizing its natives. She was unlucky in backing Thomas Stuckley in the early 1560'x, but involved herself extensively in the three voyages of Martin Frobisher in the late 1570's. These voyages turned into a wild gold chase but his expeditions returned with much information, not appreciated at the time, of the Arctic regions of North America and its people. The Eskimos captured five of Frobisher's men, whom he was never able to recover. The captain seized several natives and took them to England where they aroused much curiosity. The Privy Council gave Frobisher specific instructions concerning his future contacts with the welfare of the aborigines. A minister, who accompanied Frobisher's third expedition, was to remain a year with a company of 100, serve them and convert the Eskimos. This colony did not remain, however.Sir Francis Drake made his global circumnavigation during the years Frobisher sailed with his three expeditions. The son of an Anglican rector and avid Protestant, Drake obviously had a real Christian interest in the Indians whom he encountered, especially in Nova Albion or California. He hoped to establish colonies in the Western Hemisphere which would be missions to the pagans. These colonies and their Christian Indians were intended to counter Spanish activities in the New World.Early in the 1580's Sir Humphrey Gilbert sailed with an expedition to Newfoundland. His. leading associate, the pro-Catholic Sir George Peckham, wrote a tract to promote this expedition which was the first to argue extensively that England should colonize in America in order to Christianize and civilize the Indians.Gilbert's half-brother, Sir Walter Raleigh, was long involved in colonization efforts, in Christianizing the Indians, and extending the English empire.Captain John Davis followed Martin Frobisher a decade later to the Arctic and Sub-Arctic regions. In the 1590'x, Davis wrote two books in which he praised the Eskimos as the most blessed of peoples, and asserted it was England's Christian responsibility to carry the Gospel to these pagans.The Reverend Richard Rakluyt was the younger cousin of the lawyer, Richard siakluyt; as leading geographers during Elizabethan times, they knew most of the great English captains and navigators. The minister was the compiler, editor and publisher of a mass of geographical information often described as the prose epic of the English nation.English Separatists during the 1590's made a colonizing thrust into the St. Lawrence Gulf, and after the turn of the century the English made two ploys into the New England area, where the Indians seemed friendly at first. In the south, one of the two voyages sent to look for the lost Roanoke Colony ended in tragedy just after Elizabeth died.By 1603 many of the Indians in the Chesapeake Bay and Roanoke areas were hostile to the English. Spaniards and Frenchmen, as well as Englishmen who had visited there earlier were in part responsible for this. Thus by the beginning of the Stuart period the English had secured a comprehensive knowledge of the eastern North American coast, but through their own efforts or those of others, had to some degree alienated its native inhabitants.

The initial discovery and settlement of the islands of Oceania is an important issue in Pacific anthropology. I test. two methods by which new island groups might be discovered: drift voyages and downwind sailing. I focus on the region of the initial eastward expansion into Remote Oceania by the Lapita people. Simulations are driven by high resolution surface wind and current data from atmosphere and ocean models forced by real observations and which capture the high degree of seasonal and interannual variability in the region. Both drift and sailing voyages can account for the discovery of all the islands in the Lapita region based on initial starting points in the Bismarck and Solomon archipelagos. Eastward crossings are most probable in the Austral summer and fall when the probability of occurence of westerly winds is highest. Contact with islands in the arc from Santa Cruz to New Caledonia is viable in all years and is particularly probable in the Austral summer. Pathways further to the east as far as Tonga and Samoa are plausible when considering anomalous westerlies which occur in certain years. Other key crossings in Polynesia are also possible when considering this interannual variability, much of which is associated with El Nino events. Many of my findings differ from an important, earlier modelling study performed by Levison et al. (1973).

Orientador: João Carlos Kfouri Quartim de Moraes / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T23:22:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Neves_Marcelo_D.pdf: 1383429 bytes, checksum: edd5322b0388165a252173cb547a5215 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: As reflexões desenvolvidas neste trabalho não têm como objetivo apresentar uma exposição completa do pensamento lascasiano e, nem mesmo, uma análise de sua complexa personalidade. Nosso objetivo é estudar a idéia de ¿tolerância¿ presente em sua Apologia e em seu De unico. Mais precisamente, o ¿método tolerável¿ de conduzir os povos à verdadeira religião. E, ainda, ver como, pelo menos em suas linhas essenciais, a questão permeia grande parte de sua obra, sobretudo os tratados publicados a partir de 1551. Buscamos mostrar que, embora a tolerância seja, num primeiro momento, definida de forma negativa, isto é, como ¿suportação¿, no entanto é positiva e ativa. Positiva, enquanto implica uma apreciação favorável do universo indígena, sobretudo religioso. Ativa, enquanto parte de sua Apologia, ou seja, de um discurso que visa defender os índios das agressões dos colonizadores. Ademais, é ¿tolerância¿ nos limites do cristianismo católico¿; isto porque o discurso lascasiano é desenvolvido numa perspectiva missionária e visa mostrar o caminho, a melhor forma, o melhor ¿método¿ para a comunicação da verdadeira religião. Nisto consiste, a novidade de Las Casas: seu pensamento não tem lugar contra, mas a partir de dentro do catolicismo, ou seja, o ¿método¿ por ele defendido, em pleno século XVI, é apresentado como uma exigência do cristianismo em geral, e do catolicismo em particular / Abstract: The purpose of the developed in this study is not to present a full exposition of Las Casas' thought and much less is it an analysus of is complex personality. Ou purpose is to study the idea of "tolerance" in is Apologia and in his De unico. Or more precisely, to consider the "tolerant method" of leading the peoples to true religion. Besides, we also want to see the way in which that question, in its essential lines, permeates a large parte of his work, particularly treatises published since 1551. We intend to show that a although tolerance is defined, at first, in a negative form, as "endurance", it is really positive and active. It is positive, because it implies a favorable appreciation of the natives' universe, the religious one in particular. It is active, because it arises from his Apologia, which is a discourse in defense of the American Indians from aggression by the colonizers. Moreover, this "tolerance" is thought of as within the limits of the "Catholic Christianity". And it is so because Las Casas' discourse is developed in a missionary perspective and aims at pointing the course, the better way, the best "method" to communicate true religion. In this resides the novelty of Las Casas: his thought is not placed against, but arises from within Catholicism, that is, the "method" proposed by him, in the middle of XVI century, is presented as an exigency of Christianity in general, and of Catholicism in particular / Doutorado / Filosofia / Doutor em Filosofia

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The purpose of this study was to evaluate a period in the history of the region surrounding Mount Shasta, a sentinel on the surface of the earth and in the minds of ancient as well as modern man. The study presents the area's geologic history, its pre-history and discovery by the white man in order to provide the reader with an understanding of the later exploration and early settlement of the region. The emergence of the U.S. Forest Service and the creation of Shasta Forest as well as the evolution of Federal regulatory policy and control is presented along with a discussion of the area's transition and recent wilderness legislation. It is the writer's hope that this information might be utilized by others who are concerned with the preservation of the Shasta Peak Wilderness Area.

This dissertation investigates the ways visitors to Haida Gwaii (sometimes called the Queen Charlotte Islands) have written about the islands. I argue that accounts by visitors to Haida Gwaii fashion the object that they seek to represent. In short, visitors' stories do not unproblematically reflect the islands but determine how Haida Gwaii is perceived. These perceptions in turn affect the actions of visitors, residents and governments. I contribute to that representational process, striving to show the material consequences of language and the ways discourses shape Haida Gwaii. The dissertation consists of three sections. "Early visitors" focuses on the last quarter of the eighteenth century, studying the earliest documented visits by Euro-American mariners and fur traders. "Modern visitors" concentrates on the last quarter of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century, when some visitors were busy imposing colonial forms of government and social organization, while others were resisting these projects. "Recent visitors" concentrates on the final quarter of the twentieth century, examining the campaign to save a portion of the archipelago from clearcutting and efforts to develop alternatives to resource-extractive economic practices. By examining three case studies for each period, I argue that the ways visitors imagine the islands have been transformed in each of these periods.

This dissertation examines the workings of various colonial discourses in the texts of Captain James Cook’s third Pacific voyage. Specifically, it focusses on the month spent at Nootka Sound (on the west coast of Vancouver Island) in 1778. The textual discrepancies between the official 1784 edition by Bishop Douglas, A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, and J.C. Beaglehole’ s scholarly edition of 1967, The Voyage of the Resolution and Discovery 1776-1780, reveal that Cook’s Voyages present not an archive of European scientific and historical knowledge about the new world but the deployment of colonial discourses. Examining this relatively specific moment as discourse expands a critical sense of the importance of Cook’s Voyages as cultural documents, for the twentieth century as well as for the eighteenth. Chapters One and Two consider the mutually interdependent discourses of aesthetics and science: based upon assumptions of “objectivity,’ they distance the observing subject from the object observed, in time as well as in space. Chapter Three traces the development of the trope of cannibalism and argues that this trope works in the editions of Cook’s third voyage to further distance the Nootka from Europeans by textually establishing what looked like savagery. Chapter Four examines the historical construction of Cook as imperial culture hero, for eighteenth-century England, Western Europe, and the settler cultures that followed in his wake. Taken separately and together, these colonial discourses are employed in the accounts of Cook’s month at Nootka Sound to justify and rationalise England’s claim to appropriation of the territory. The purpose of these colonial discourses is to fix meaning and to present themselves as natural; the purpose of my dissertation is to disrupt such constructions. I therefore disrupt my own discourse with a series of digressions, signalled by a different typeface. They allow me to pursue lines of thought related tangentially to the main arguments and thus to investigate the wider concerns of the culture that produced Cook’s voyages, They also give me the opportunity to interrogate my own critical methodology and assumptions. Ultimately I aim not to create another, more convincing construction of Cook and his month at Nootka Sound, but to illuminate a cultural process, a way of making meaning that is part of his intellectual legacy.

Representations of Dutch contacts with coastal inhabitants of Africa, 1475-1652. Prior to 1996, South African Dutch studies had largely been determined by traditional rigid historical and geographic boundaries set in 1933. The framework exclusively focused on the period after the arrival of Van Riebeeck in 1652 to 1925 (when Afrikaans replaced Dutch as an official language) and on topics regarded as typically South African. Siegfried Huigen in 'De Weg naar Monomotapa' (1996) not only questioned these limitations but introduced a revised time frame including the period “about 1596 to 1652”. The revised framework has provided an opportunity to study texts prior to 1652 including both the earliest recorded Dutch contacts with the coastal inhabitants of Africa as well as the significant 1595 record of the initial Dutch cross-cultural encounters on the coast of Southern Africa. Where the role of the Dutch East India Company after 1602 had previously been considered foremost, the maritime forces of the Dutch States General and independent Dutch traders before 1602 and the activities of the Dutch West Indies Company after 1621 on the entire African coast had attracted little attention. Contact between the Dutch and coastal inhabitants of Africa and the textual representations of such contacts had contributed to a more extensive Dutch frame of reference than had previously been presumed. Previous assumptions attributing the nature of representations to the frequency and length of contacts had somehow not accounted for similar factors not influencing representations of coastal inhabitants elsewhere in Africa nor had the actual extent of the Dutch frame of reference been fully considered. Since the initial 1595 textual representation of Willem Lodewycksz describing the contact between the Dutch and Khoikhoi in Mossel Bay, the texts have had a profound influence on the South African discourse. Comparative studies of the initial representations and early 20th century compilations of the primary texts indicate that the elucidation prevalent in the more recent works has been the source of questionable interpretations and conclusions that have erroneously been attributed to the late sixteenth century seafaring scribes. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2008.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2007 / Pacific Islands Studies