This thesis uncovers political culture in Northampton borough from 1768-1868 through the study of parliamentary elections. The thesis provides a comprehensive method of studying political culture at a local level. Northampton is an example of an 'open' pre-reform borough in which a large proportion of men were able to vote in parliamentary elections; pollbooks, political ephemera, newspapers and correspondence have been used to provide both a qualitative and quantitative analysis of the borough's elections. By analysing gender and space history alongside more traditional approaches to political history such as examining party politics, politicians and pollbook analysis, this thesis shows the importance of linking various methodologies to provide a complete picture of political culture. This study argues that the home was used as a political space during pre-reform elections due to election customs and the exchange of property. It shows the involvement of non-elite women in pre-reform elections through their role as homeowners and witnessses. By testing 'new political history' this study argues that the constituency was not solely constructed by politicians, and nor did it mirror national agenda: local political rhetoric was actually of a pragmatic nature, and shifted to suit the electorate and encompass common social terminology. This thesis argues that practical changes made by reforms of parliament facilitated ideological shifts and had unintended consequences. Finally, this thesis suggests that political culture must focus on the practicalities of politics at the local level.

Political scientists have long noted that congressional elections are often uncompetitive, often extremely so. Many scholars argue that the cause lies in the partisan redistricting of congressional districts, or “gerrymandering”. Other scholars emphasize polarization created by a fragmented news media, or the candidate choices made by a more ideological primary electorate. All these explanations identify the cause of party-safe elections in institutions of various kinds. This dissertation, by contrast, presents a structural explanation of uncompetitive elections. My theory is that population composition and patterns of migration are significant causes and predictors of election results in Florida. I test this theory empirically by comparing the predictions from four hypotheses against aggregate data, using the county as the unit of analysis. The first hypothesis is that Florida can be divided into clearly distinguishable, persistent partisan sections. This hypothesis is confirmed. The second hypothesis is that Florida voters have become increasingly partisan over time. This hypothesis is confirmed. The third hypothesis is that the degree of migration into a county predicts how that county will vote. This hypothesis finds some confirmation. The last hypothesis is that the degree of religiosity of a county predicts how that county will vote. This hypothesis is confirmed. By identifying the structural causes of party-safe elections, this study not only contributes to our understanding of elections in Florida, but also sheds light on the current polarization in American politics.

Thesis (M.S.W.)--University of Hong Kong, 1985. / Photocopy of tyepscript.

published_or_final_version / Applied Statistics / Master / Master of Social Sciences

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Columbia University, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 122-127).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Harvard University, 1994. / Abstract has subtitle: Institutional reform and electoral behavior in the Republic of China on Taiwan. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [289]-311).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Davis, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 204-214).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hong Kong, 2006.

"This study is a comparative analysis of how free and fair recent presidential elections in two African countries were. On a wider frame, the yardsticks used in this work are international norms and principles that govern the conduct of elections. Recourse is also made to regional instruments and norms where appropriate. The case study will focus on Zimbabwe, representing the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and Ghana, representing the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). The reasons for selecting these countries only are given below. Zimbabwe held a crucial presidential election between the 9th and 11th of March 2002. Ghana held its presidential runoff that took place on the 28th of December 2000 that will be the subject of this investigation. Both elections were momentous in that they were heralded by unprecedented and cataclysmic events in the two countries' post-colonial scenario. In the case of Zimbabwe, the presidential election attracted such singular international interest that the question of sovereignty that had hitherto never been raised regarding the conduct of elections became a topical issue in domestic, regional and international fora. Furthermore, human rights concerns that had characterized the 2000 parliamentary elections paled into insignificance by comparison. In Ghana, the election was 'arguably the most important since independence in 1957'. Indeed, the election was so important that it is characterised locally as 'Ghana's second independence'. The reason the election was crucial is that it marked the exit of the country's longest serving head of state. The election also marked a smooth transition in a democratic process that ushered in an opposition party into office. Because these elections were of profound interest not only in the countries they were held but also in Africa and internationally, examining the regulatory framework of the elections as well as their human rights context is not only of academic importance to scholars of political science and democratisaton but also of practical relevance to human rights defenders, political parties and the voting public." -- Chapter 1. / Under the supervision of Edward Kofi Quashigah at the Human Rights Study Centre, University of Ghana / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2002. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

The Supreme Court of Kenya was the first on the Continent to nullify a Presidential election after it departed from the hitherto used substantial effect rule in election determination, thus ushering a new era where the quality of the elections process, and not merely the numerical results truly mattered in an election. Section 83 of the Elections Act which was the ‘fulcrum’ that enabled the Supreme Court to depart from the substantial effect rule no longer exists in Kenyan law. This means that there is a risk that the courts may fall back to applying the restrictive substantial effect rule. This dissertation interrogates the legal framework on elections disputes resolution in Kenya, and particularly explores how the qualitative aspects of the election process can continue to play an essential role in the adjudication of election disputes in Kenya even in absence of section 83 of the Elections Act as it were. This dissertation argues that even in the absence of specific statutory guidelines on how the courts may adjudicate election petitions, there are constitutional and other legal provisions that can still guide the court to arrive at a decision that ensures procedural, qualitative and substantive justice when deciding election matters. The dissertation also argues that it is of paramount importance that the National Assembly re-introduces the original (disjunctive) section 83 into the Elections Act to ensure that in cases where the elections are held in an environment of substantial illegalities and irregularities, then the courts shall have specific statutory tools to deliver substantive electoral justice. / Mini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria 2021. / Centre for Human Rights / LLM / Unrestricted