EU's 2007 enlargement by Bulgaria and Romania is evaluated by applying a simple macroeconomic integration model able to encompass as many of the theoretically predicted integration effects possible. The direct integration effects of Bulgaria and Romania spill-over to EU15, including Austria and the 10 new member states of the 2004 EU enlargement. The pattern of the integration effects is qualitatively similar to those of EU's 2004 enlargement by 10 new member states. Bulgaria and Romania gain much more from EU accession than the incumbents in the proportion of 20:1. In the medium-run up to 2020, Bulgaria and Romania can expect a sizable overall integration gain, amounting to additional ½ percentage point real GDP growth per annum. Within the incumbent EU member states Austria will gain somewhat more (+0.05%) than the average of EU15 (+0.02%) and the 10 new EU member states (+0.01%), which joined the EU in 2004. (author's abstract) / Series: EI Working Papers / Europainstitut

The main objective of this thesis is to evaluate the future prospects for membership of the Western Balkan countries in the European Union. Western Balkan includes the following countries: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia. The main objective of the first chapter is to define the mutual relations between the European Union and the Western Balkan countries, according to their past results since the end of the Cold far until present. The second chapter explains the main features of the political and economic situation in the Western Balkans and the enlargement policy of the European Union. Emphasis was put on the Copenhagen criteria and on some of the main components of the Stabilization and Association Process, such as Stabilization and Association Agreements and EU pre-accession assistance to the Western Balkans. The last chapter deals with the future development and the possibilities for membership of the Western Balkan countries in the EU, based on the evaluation of the results which were achieved by the Western Balkan countries according to the latest European Commission progress report.

This dissertation starts from the observation that expectations and perceptions of non-members of the EU are usually neglected in the study of EU's enlargement process. In order to better understand the sources of pro-integration (or anti-integration) foreign policies of the neighboring states, I employ the conceptual apparatus of "role theory". This work utilities the concept of "national role conception", defined as domestically shared views and understandings regarding the proper role and purpose of one's own state as a social collectivity in the international arena. On the cases of Russia and Turkey, I show how historically constituted domestically shared ideas about a role, function (or mission) of a particular state within wider international (European) environment inform their respective policies towards contemporary EU. For the Turkish elite's understandings of the proper role of Turkey within broader international environment is typical the dominance of kemalist nationalist discourse of modernization. Modernization and the quest for the status of respected European power form the core of Turkish identity. In light of this perceptions, the EU membership fits into the kemalist discourse as an accomplishment of the historical mission of attaining the standards of contemporary civilization. On the other side, the discourse of Russian elites is embedded predominantly in universalist messianic discourse, which is often spiced with realist and geopolitical concepts. To sum up, if we want to understand why Russia does not even think about the possibility of entering the EU, we have to take into account the burden of universalist tasks which Russia feels obliged to cary in the name of History or God. Moreover, Russia feels the obligation to protect (both from external threats and internal decay) Europe itself. Entrance into the EU would, quite logically, jeopardize the fulfillment of this historical tasks.

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<p>Opinions, rankings and evaluations of states’ development are proliferating. In the context of the transformation and EU accession of the Baltic States, there were many organizations involved in the scrutiny of their efforts to become accepted as modern and European. This scrutiny directed towards states can be seen as a new practice of transnational regulation. Especially in times of major transformation, as was the case in the Baltic States after the collapse of the Soviet bloc, monitoring and evaluation of achievements can be expected to shape how reforms were prioritized and how problems were perceived. In order to gain a better understanding of these transformations it is necessary to study the practice of organizations that scrutinize the states.</p><p>The aim of the thesis is to analyze the role of scrutiny as a practice of transnational regulation. By analyzing how international organizations scrutinize states, this thesis adds knowledge to how transforming states are constructed in the everyday practices of scrutiny. A main argument is that by evaluating and reporting on states, international organizations can be seen as ‘auditors’ of transformations in states. The thesis compares three such ‘auditors’ and their respective relations to the states under scrutiny, namely: the European Commission, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) and the NGO Transparency International. </p><p>The thesis contributes to discussions about the role of transnational regulation in the transformation of states. By comparing the three cases of scrutiny it is concluded that scrutiny produces both comfort and critique for and about these transforming states. In addition, through processes of scrutinizing, states are constructed as auditable and comparable. Scrutiny also inscribes states into a story about progress, it thus offers hope about reforms and of a better future.</p>

Im Rahmen der fünften Erweiterungswelle der EU um zwölf neue Mitgliedsstaaten setzte die EU-Kommission erstmals auf das Instrument der Verwaltungspartnerschaften. Das sogenannte Twinning umfasst Projekte, bei denen Behördenmitarbeiter aus Verwaltungen der EU-Mitgliedsstaaten in Partnerbehörden der Beitrittsländer entsandt werden, um diese bei der Umsetzung des EU-Rechtsbestandes zu beraten. Im Gegensatz zur bisherigen Forschungsliteratur, die sich vor allem auf die Europäisierung der Beitrittsländer konzentriert, geht die Autorin dieser Forschungsarbeit davon aus, dass Twinning-Projekte auch zur Europäisierung der beteiligten deutschen Verwaltungen beitragen. Mithilfe neo-institutionalistischer Ansätze entwickelt die Autorin die These, dass Twinning-Projekte den Handlungsspielraum der involvierten Akteure innerhalb der europäischen Dimension erheblich erweitern. Inwieweit diese Akteure die von der EU-Kommission im Rahmen des PHARE-Programms zur Verfügung gestellten materiellen und immateriellen Ressourcen tatsächlich genutzt haben, wurde für vier deutsche Bundesressorts (BMWi, BMU, BMI, BMG) vergleichend untersucht. Als Ergebnis kann festgehalten werden, dass Effekte vertikaler Europäisierung stark von der Unterstützung nationaler Entscheidungsträger abhängen. Effekte horizontaler Europäisierung in den deutschen Ministerialverwaltungen werden hingegen vom Engagement der einzelnen Akteure bestimmt. Hier entstehen neue Kontakte und Netzwerke, die auf Formen neuartigen Regierens in der EU hinweisen (European Governance). / In the course of the fifth European Union enlargement of twelve new member states, the EU Commission introduced the instrument of institutional partnerships. The so-called twinning comprises projects in which civil servants from EU member state administrations are delegated to partner administrations in accession countries to support the implementation of the acquis communitaire. Contrary to the existing research literature focusing on Europeanization of accession countries, the author of this research paper argues that Twinning projects also contribute to the Europeanization of the involved German administrations. Using the tools of neo-institutionalism, the author develops the central thesis that Twinning projects enlarge the scope of action within the European dimension of all actors involved. In how far material and immaterial resources provided by the EU Commission under PHARE programme have been used by these actors has been analysed by comparing four German federal ministries (Economy, Environment, Home Affairs, Health). As a matter of fact, effects of vertical Europeanization heavily depend on the support of national key decision makers. Effects of horizontal Europeanization in German ministries arise, however, from activities of individual actors. As a result, contacts and policy networks evolve and shed light on new forms of governance within the European Union (European Governance).

Opinions, rankings and evaluations of states’ development are proliferating. In the context of the transformation and EU accession of the Baltic States, there were many organizations involved in the scrutiny of their efforts to become accepted as modern and European. This scrutiny directed towards states can be seen as a new practice of transnational regulation. Especially in times of major transformation, as was the case in the Baltic States after the collapse of the Soviet bloc, monitoring and evaluation of achievements can be expected to shape how reforms were prioritized and how problems were perceived. In order to gain a better understanding of these transformations it is necessary to study the practice of organizations that scrutinize the states. The aim of the thesis is to analyze the role of scrutiny as a practice of transnational regulation. By analyzing how international organizations scrutinize states, this thesis adds knowledge to how transforming states are constructed in the everyday practices of scrutiny. A main argument is that by evaluating and reporting on states, international organizations can be seen as ‘auditors’ of transformations in states. The thesis compares three such ‘auditors’ and their respective relations to the states under scrutiny, namely: the European Commission, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) and the NGO Transparency International. The thesis contributes to discussions about the role of transnational regulation in the transformation of states. By comparing the three cases of scrutiny it is concluded that scrutiny produces both comfort and critique for and about these transforming states. In addition, through processes of scrutinizing, states are constructed as auditable and comparable. Scrutiny also inscribes states into a story about progress, it thus offers hope about reforms and of a better future.

Present times are sometimes referred to as "the golden era of regulation", as more and more areas of social life are regulated. But regulation is not only increasing; it is also changing. New regulators are emerging, and they are issuing new kinds of rules. These new kinds of regulation are frequently not legally binding, and are therefore labelled soft regulation as opposed to hard law. It is not compulsory to follow soft rules but many actors - including sovereign states - still do, and the thesis asks the question why this is so. Why do even states, which are powerful regulators themselves, abide by soft regulation, and wherein lies the regulative power of soft rules? Through an in-depth study of the European Union's pre-accession instrument Twinning an answer to the question of the power of soft regulation has been arrived at. Treating Twinning as a critical case of soft regulation, and using theories of imitation to grasp the meaning and evolution of Twinning projects, makes it possible to define three regulative elements involved in soft regulation. These are the combinative, co-productive and constitutive elements of soft regulation, from which the thesis suggests that it derives its power. First of all, soft regulation combines different kinds of rules, the regulation of identity and the regulation of activity, and a variety of sources of legitimacy. Second, it depends on regulators and regulatees interacting to co-produce regulation. And third, as its main result, it constitutes the rule-followers as formal, rational, and modern organisations. Accordingly, soft regulation has rather impressive regulative capabilities, builds on complex, dynamic, and social interactions, and embodies as well as promotes some of Western society's most strongly institutionalised ideas. The thesis argues that it is through these characteristics that actors, including states, are compelled to follow soft rules.

This study explores how the European Union Enlargement policy of Germany as represented by her main political parties, being the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (Social Democratic Party-SPD) and the Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands (Christian Democratic Union-CDU), has evolved after 1990 towards the case of Turkey. These two parties have been analysed because they have clear and different stances towards Turkey&rsquo / s EU Accession process and they have witnessed and shaped watershed events of this process. The study does focus on the incumbencies of Helmut Kohl, Gerhard Schr&ouml / der and Angela Merkel. Thereby it relies on both a thorough literature review and also on the screening of plenty of official documents. This study attempts to scrutinize the differences between the stance of the SPD and CDU towards Turkey&rsquo / s EU Accession process. In this vein, it explores the interplay of political reforms and concepts of common culture, identity and history as variables in the altering attitudes of SPD and CDU. Further, this study rests on the ground that there have been breaking points in German support for EU Enlargement first emerged by the end of the Cold War and the concomitant new political climax and second with Turkey&rsquo / s EU Accession process. Ultimately, this study sets on the ground that there has been a shift in Germany&rsquo / s overt support for EU Enlargement which has been triggered by Turkey&rsquo / s entrenched and problematic EU Accession Process.

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the European Union has focused its attention on moving the Central and Eastern European Countries towards democracy and the market economy, which culminated in the accession of these countries to the European Union on May 2004. With the accession of the ten new members to the Union, the European Union has acquired new neighbors and come closer to the old ones, with whom it had only indirectly interested in. There is a conviction in EU circles that future widening towards these countries is not possible without risking the integration process which the European countries have developed in the last fifty years. In addition to this internal consideration, the new neighbors of the EU, some of which have already declared their membership ambitions, are the countries which the EU perceives it cannot integrate in the foreseeable future because of their social, economic and political underdevelopment. In response to these realities, the Union developed the European Neighborhood Policy. In this thesis, potential of the new neighborhood policy to fulfill its objectives of being second best alternative to membership and its promise in providing a meaningful framework that is satisfactory both for the EU and its neighbors will be analyzed. Additionally, its impact on the European Union&rsquo / s foreign policy in general will be elaborated. It will be argued in this thesis that the ENP has such serious limitations in terms of its formulation, institutions, and its incentives that it will fail to realize its original aspirations.