Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Sci. polit.--Aix-Marseille 3, 1999. Titre de soutenance : Transnationalité, engagement humanitaire, politique publique, interaction entre les activités des ONG (Organisations non gouvernementales) et la mise en oeuvre de l'action publique des États, l'exemple du Guatemala. / Bibliogr. p. 265-289. Glossaire.

Die G8 besitzt aus chinesischer Sicht große Entwicklungsmöglichkeiten. Verglichen mit anderen zwischenstaatlichen Organisationen hat die G8 einzigartige Vorteile angesichts ihrer Macht und Flexibilität. Um ihren Einfluss und ihre Kontrolle über die Weltangelegenheiten zu verstärken, sollte die Gruppe reformiert und erweitert werden. China ist gegenwärtig nicht an einem Beitritt zur G8 interessiert, wohl aber an einer engen Zusammenarbeit. Langfristig ist es allerdings nur eine Frage der Zeit, bis China der G8 beitreten wird. / From the Chinese point of view, the G8 will have a great potential development space in the future. Compared with other intergovernmental organizations, the G8 has its unique advantages in view of power and flexibility. In order to improve its influence and control over the world affairs, the group should be extended and reformed. At the moment China is not interested in getting a member of G8, it is concentrating on close cooperation. But in the long run, it is only a matter of time for China to join the G8.

Klimapolitik ist Interessenpolitik, sehr harte sogar. Das zeigte der Gipfel in Kopenhagen. Als es zu konkreten Abmachungen kommen sollte, wurde gefeilscht, blockiert und schließlich ein nichts sagendes Papier verlesen. Im Schwerpunkt dieses Heftes analysieren Experten die Ursachen für das Scheitern in Kopenhagen und die Konsequenzen für die künftige Klimapolitik. Sie fragen nach der Rolle solcher Akteure wie China und Indien und der NGO, sie diskutieren den Faktor Klima in der Entwicklungspolitik und machen Vorschläge zur Finanzierung der Klimapolitik. Zudem setzen wir in diesem Heft den Streitplatz über die nationalen Interessen Deutschlands fort. In der Analyse wird die Frage nach der Zukunft der deutschen Wehrpflicht gestellt; in den WeltBlick nehmen wir die krisengeschüttelte EU, Ungarn nach den Wahlen und die Friedensproblematik in Kolumbien.

Reproduction de : Thèse de doctorat : Droit privé : Lille 2 : 2008. / Titre provenant de la page de titre du document numérisé. Bibliogr. p. 487-521.

The contemporary global system is characterised by the presence of a multitude of International Organisations (IOs) whose relevance is sustained by the roles they play. Among these IOs, the United Nations (UN) is of paramount importance as a result of its universal membership and extensive mandate. Its international role is influenced by its evolving structures, practices and goals. Among its most recent objectives are the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) which address the challenge of holistic human development at the global level. This study aims to assess the UN’s role in pursuing the MDGs as they relate to the development of children in West Africa. The first two of the eight goals have been selected for the purpose of focusing the research, namely the eradication of extreme poverty and hunger, and the elimination of illiteracy by achieving universal primary education. Children, who bear the brunt of global underdevelopment and whose development is a key element in breaking cycles of poverty, are the focus of the study. The general and historical role played by the UN in advancing child development is therefore assessed with regards to the issue-fields indicated by the two selected MDGs. Specific application is then done in the case of West Africa, chosen as case study because the region is the poorest in the world and arguably indicative of most urgent MDG focus. Clive Archer’s analytical outline, which depicts IOs variously as instruments, arenas and actors, is used as a conceptual framework. Archer contends that IOs can be utilised as instruments by other global actors, serve as arenas for dialogue and cooperation among such actors and also assume proactive, independent identities as actors in pursuit of specific objectives. The study concludes that Archer’s framework is relevant, but that the existence of all three roles in the same functional space has notable and often contradictory implications. While the UN generally plays its roles as actor and arena in achieving its first two MDGs among West African children with relative ease, its role as instrument is dependent on the agendas and political will of other actors in the global system. Notwithstanding the weakness of its role as instrument, however, the UN’s triad of roles towards the development of children, and specifically children in West Africa, is a key element of the organisation’s global relevance. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

The role of International Organisations, military doctrines and some aspects of the history of the Nuclear Disarmament process

For a decade, the EU and NATO have both claimed to have a relationship purported to be a Strategic Partnership. However, this relationship is widely understood by both academics and practitioners to be problematic. Although not denying that the relationship is problematic, it is claimed here that the argument, whereby the EU and NATO simply do not cooperate, is very limited in its value. In fact, it is argued that the two organisations cooperate far more, albeit less efficiently, outside of the formal Agreed Framework for cooperation. According to the formal rules of Berlin Plus/Agreed Framework (BP/AF), the EU and NATO should not cooperate at all outside of the Bosnia Herzegovina (ALTHEA) context. This is clearly not the case. The fundamental aim of this thesis is to investigate how this cooperation - beyond the BP/AF has emerged. Above all, it asks, within a context where formal EU-NATO cooperation is ruled out, what type of cooperation is emerging? This thesis attempts to explain the creation and performance of the informal EU-NATO institutional relationship beyond Berlin Plus. This thesis, drawing on insights from historical institutionalist theory and by investigating EU-NATO cooperation in counter-piracy, Kosovo and Afghanistan, puts forward three general arguments. First, in order for informal EU-NATO cooperation to take place outside of the BP/AF, cooperation is driven spatially away from the central political tools of Brussels, towards the common operational areas and hierarchically downwards to the international staffs and, in particular, towards the operational personnel. Second, although the key assumptions of historical institutionalism (path dependency, punctuated equilibrium and critical junctures) help to explain the stasis of the EU-NATO relationship at the broad political and strategic level, a more complete understanding of the relationship is warranted. Including theoretical assumptions of incremental change helps to explain the informal cooperation that is now driving EU-NATO relations beyond Berlin Plus. Finally, this thesis makes the fundamental claim that the processes of incremental change through informal cooperation reinforce the current static formal political and strategic relationship. Events and operational necessity are driving incremental change far more than any theoretical debates about where the EU ends and NATO begins. Until events force a situation whereby both organisations must revisit the formal structures of cooperation, the static relationship will continue to exist, reinforced by sporadically releasing the political pressure valve expedited through the processes of informal cooperation. If the EU and NATO are to truly achieve a Strategic Partnership , it will stem from an existential security critical juncture and not from internal evolutionary processes.

L'expertise internationale joue un rôle important dans la mise à l’agenda d’enjeux environnementaux globaux. Ces évaluations sont souvent contestées, en particulier là où les faits et les valeurs sont fortement imbriqués. Cette thèse examine le cas du Groupe d'experts intergouvernemental sur l'évolution du climat (GIEC), une des organisations d’experts les plus contestées. Elle s'intéresse plus généralement à comment ces organisations maintiennent leur autorité, en croisant les apports théoriques des études des sciences et des techniques et de la sociologie des organisations internationales. Un argument central est que le GIEC, en partie à cause de l'univers controversé dans lequel il évolue, est devenu une bureaucratie internationale. La thèse identifie quatre arrangements institutionnels sur lesquels l'organisation s'est appuyée pour maintenir son autorité. Premièrement, elle s'est efforcée de maintenir une représentation équilibrée des États, principalement entre pays développés et pays en développement. Deuxièmement, il a mis en place des mécanismes de gouvernance qui permettent aux gouvernements de jouer un rôle dans le processus d'évaluation, encourageant la “reappropriation” de ses conclusions. Troisièmement, il a procéduralisé le processus d'évaluation pour formaliser le rôle de ses différentes parties et protéger l'organisation contre les critiques. Quatrièmement, il est plus attentif à la gestion de la communication. Ces arrangements sont régulièrement renégociés dans le contexte de nouveaux défis et controverses. Au-delà du GIEC, ils offrent de nouvelles perspectives pour observer l'imbrication de l'autorité politique et épistémique. / In the last decades, international expertise has been essential to put global environmental problems on the international agenda. These assessments are often contested, especially on issues where facts and values are profoundly entangled. This thesis investigates the case of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), one of the most authoritative, albeit contested expert organisation. It is more generally interested in how these organisations construct and maintain their authority, drawing on insights from Science and Technology Studies and sociological approaches to international organisations. A central argument is that, partly as a result of the controversial universe in which it has evolved, the IPCC has grown into an international bureaucracy. The thesis identifies four institutional arrangements on which the organisation has relied to maintain its authority. First, it has strived for a balanced representation of all nations, and in particular between developed and developing countries. Second, it has put in place governing mechanisms that allow governments to play a central role in the assessment process, encouraging the ‘ownership’ of its conclusions. Third, it has increasingly proceduralised the assessment, to formalise the role of its different parts and protect the organisation against criticism. Four, it has been more attentive to the management of the information displayed about its work. These arrangements are regularly renegotiated in the context of new challenges and controversies. Beyond the IPCC, they provide relevant lenses to observe the intertwining of political and epistemic authority at the international level.

The central aim of the thesis is to define the approach of EU development policy towards Africa since the end of the Cold War. It focuses on the unexplored areas of the available literature on the subject, specifically the impact of EU development policy on the domain of international development and the objective of the EU to become a prominent international actor. The thesis relies on Martha Finnemore’s Social Constructivist research. It concentrates on the dynamics maintained by the EU with the normative basis that characterises the structure and agents of international development, and assesses how it affected EU behaviour, as expressed through its development policy towards Africa in the considered timeframe.1 By doing so, the thesis exposes both the marked effect of EU development policy in the domain of international development, and the form of ‘paradise’ (model of development) the EU promoted in Africa. The empirical support in the thesis is comprised of archived data, official documents, press releases, published reports, speeches, and personally conducted interviews. Following the method of research, the thesis focuses on tracing the norms that characterise EU development policy towards Africa over time. Therein, the thesis largely confirms the identified agents as the source of the norms that define the structure of international development, and the EU as its derivative. It argues that EU development policy is currently a general projection of the normative structure of international development, specifically regarding the policy orientation of its identified agents. As a result, it contends that the EU fell short of its efforts to export its form of ‘paradise’ to Africa in the proposed timeframe as a corollary of its limitations to stand as a distinct and leading actor in the domain of international development. Thus, the thesis makes a fresh contribution to the understanding of EU development policy towards Africa and the objective of the EU to become a prominent international actor in the twenty-first century.

Pour assurer ses missions les États ont besoin de prélever l’impôt afin de s’assurer des ressources. Lacaractéristique des États en développement est, en matière de Finances Publiques, d’avoir des recettesbasées essentiellement sur les taxes prélevées en frontière sur les marchandises. Malheureusement dansces pays là, l’efficacité des Organisations Douanières est rarement au rendez-vous, notamment du faitd’une corruption très importante parmi les douaniers.Aussi les Organisations Internationales recommandent une privatisation partielle des missions afind’améliorer les recettes. Les sociétés privées se sont spécialisées dans cette forme de recouvrement etainsi la plupart des pays africains ont recours à l’une ou l’autre des sociétés dites de " pré-inspection ".Après des années de pratique peut-on évaluer l’efficience de cette privatisation ? L’exemple de la RCAest particulièrement pertinent pour étudier cela puisque d’une part ce pays a poussé la privatisation àl’ensemble des missions douanières, ce qui est unique au monde et d’autre part la situation actuelle de cepetit pays découle au moins en partie de l’absence d’une administration des douanes solide.Dans l’écroulement des structures administratives de ce pays, assisté depuis sa création par toutesles Organisations Internationales, ces dernières, sont-elles exemptes de reproches ? / STATES collect revenue from taxes to provide necessary financial resources to the accomplishmentof their missions. Developing states have a common characteristic namely to collect revenue mainly onimported goods. Unfortunately customs administrations of these countries are generally inefficient due toa very high level of corruption of their personnel.Faced to this situation, internationals organisations advised to outsource some of the customs func-tions in order to improve the collection of revenue. Private companies developed new activities in thisarea and today most African countries have contracted out one or several of these companies usuallycalled preshipment inspection companies. After several years is it feasable to assess the efficiency of thatoutsourcing ? CAR is an excellent and pertinent study case to perform this assessment. On one hand,this country has outsourced all of the customs fonctions, which is a unique exemple in the world. Onthe other hand, there is a strong link between the existing situation of this country and the lack of anefficient customs administration.Can we blame these international organisations, which have assisted CAR since it’s creation, for thecollapse of the administrative structures of this country ?