The purpose of this paper is to identify the underlying factors of the conflict between Christians and Muslims in the Central African Republic (CAR) that started in 2013. It is argued that political factors played an important role in the coup d'état that ousted President Francois Bozize - the event that marked the start of the civil war. Social factors were mainly responsible for how the civil war turned into sectarian violence. Furthermore, it is argued that a number of economic factors did not directly cause the sectarian violence, but instead contributed to the length of the conflict. The way broader factors contributed to the conflict (the CAR's weakened state and lawlessness for instance) are also discussed.

Thesis (M.A.)--Grace Theological Seminary, 1987. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 55-56).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Washington State University, August 2009. / Title from PDF title page (viewed Oct. 23, 2009). "Department of Anthropology." Includes bibliographical references (p. 386-452).

Depuis son accession à l’indépendance en 1960, la République Centrafricaine (RCA) oscille entre périodes troubles et moments de stabilité relative, notamment sous les régimes militaires de Jean-Bedel Bokassa et d’André Kolingba. L’instabilité politique quasi-chronique de ce pays depuis la fin des années 1980 a entrainé des réponses internationales successives, sous forme de missions de paix débutées en 1997 et visant, in fine, à la reconstruction/construction étatique comme solution à la crise du politique centrafricaine. L’éclatement, en fin 2012, d’un conflit armé mené par la rébellion de la Seleka souligne cependant la faiblesse de cette entreprise internationale, qui fait fi des dynamiques politiques et sociales internes des sociétés concernées. Cette reprise violente des hostilités en RCA remet également au goût du jour la question de la rigidité du concept d’État et de sa pertinence universelle, limites des politiques internationales de « statebuiding ». La multitude d’acteurs, locaux et internationaux, qui opèrent sur le terrain centrafricain témoigne de la complexité de ce conflit et rend difficile la possibilité d’une solution durable. Le rôle premier de la Communauté Économique des États de l’Afrique Centrale (CEEAC) dans le « statebuilding » en RCA entre 2012 et 2016 est l’incarnation d’une lutte d’influence que cet acteur régional - en l’occurrence ses États membres - a remporté. La « victoire » de la CEEAC a été acquise au détriment d’une solution objective et viable à la question centrafricaine, « au profit » d’États tels que le Tchad et la France, et d’individus tels que Idriss Deby et Denis Sassou N’guesso. Ce succès de la « diplomatie de machination » est illustratif des logiques et lutte de pouvoir et de la convergence des régimes politiques dans la sous-région, ainsi que de la relation très paradoxale que la France entretient avec ses anciennes colonies. / Since its independence in 1960, the Central African Republic (CAR) has oscillated between turmoil and moments of relative stability, notably under the military regimes of Jean-Bedel Bokassa and André Kolingba. The country’s quasi chronic political instability since the end of the 1980s, has led to successive international responses in the form of peace missions starting in 1997 and ultimately aimed at statebuilding as a solution to the CAR’s crisis of the political. The outbreak of an armed conflict at the end of 2012 led by the Seleka rebellion, however, underlines the weakness of this international enterprise, which ignores the internal political and social dynamics of ‘recipient’ societies. This violent resumption of hostilities in the CAR also brings to the fore the question of the rigidity of the concept of the state and its universal relevance, as limits of international statebuilding policies. The multitude of local and international actors operating in the CAR is indicative of the complexity of this conflict and renders the possibility of a lasting solution difficult. The primary role of the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) in the statebuilding in CAR between 2012 and 2016 is a manifestation of the struggle for influence that this regional actor - in this case its member states - won. The ‘victory’ of ECCAS was gained at the expense of an objective and viable solution to the Central African question, ‘for the benefit’ of states such as Chad and France, and individuals such as Idriss Deby and Denis Sassou Nguesso. The success of this ‘diplomacy of conspiracy’ is illustrative of power dynamics and power struggle and the convergence of political regimes in the subregion, as well as the very paradoxical relationship that France has with its former colonies.

The community development issue faced by the Christian mission in Central African Republic was the topic of this work. Due to multiple insecurity and political instability causes, it has created many negatives effects, especially on the poor population and Christian Churches. Ideally, the Christian mission through the Ngoubagara Baptist Church when faced with Central African Republic tragic and successive socio-politic wars should have been to promote community development, peace, social justice, education for all, good health, national reconciliation, respect for human rights and to denounce all harm and discrimination against the human being. The church has a sacred mission to announce the gospel to all humanity and to assist the people towards the positive transformation of Central African Republic. This study will be of help to missiological scholars and to the church so that it may better carry out its prophetic and holistic missions according to God’s vision and with the purpose to change the Central African society. In fact, Christian church as well as Ngoubagara Baptist Church can be the voice of millions of voiceless people regarding poverty, joblessness, rebel wars and rethink community development issues. Through its missionary work, can be the main factor in transforming Central African Republic society, because, the church should “face the difficulties of the present time, not with ready-made answers or simplistic, over-simplifying ideologies, but with a realistic attitude and with discernment. This is the church’s duty of scrutinizing the signs of the times and of interpreting them in the light of the Gospel” (Czerny 2012:70). The church mission is supposed to be a continuation of Jesus Christ’s ministry, which is total salvation. However, human being development is a church work matter, in touching body, soul and spirit. The Ngoubagara Baptist Church’s prophetic and holistic mission duty should be the life and dignity of the Central African people. Then, missiology can promote community development where Christians can play an important leadership role. The lack of such leadership affects individuals and communities negatively. The church should be present in the world and guide the people. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D. Th. (Missiology)

The community development challenge faced by the Baptist Church of Ngoubagara in Central African Republic was the topic of this work. Due to multiple insecurity and political instability causes, it has created many negatives effects and especially on the poor population. Ideally, the mission of the Ngoubagara Baptist Church when faced with CAR tragic and successive socio-politic wars should have been to promote community development, peace, social justice, education, health, reconciliation, respect for human rights and to denounce all harm and discrimination against the human being. The church has a sacred mission to announce the gospel to all humanity and to assist the people towards the positive transformation of CAR. This study will be of help to missiological scholars and to the church so that it may better carry out its prophetic and holistic missions according to God’s vision and with the purpose of positively transforming CAR society. / Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology / M. Th. (Missiology)

The community development challenge faced by the Baptist Church of Ngoubagara in Central African Republic was the topic of this work. Due to multiple insecurity and political instability causes, it has created many negatives effects and especially on the poor population. Ideally, the mission of the Ngoubagara Baptist Church when faced with CAR tragic and successive socio-politic wars should have been to promote community development, peace, social justice, education, health, reconciliation, respect for human rights and to denounce all harm and discrimination against the human being. The church has a sacred mission to announce the gospel to all humanity and to assist the people towards the positive transformation of CAR. This study will be of help to missiological scholars and to the church so that it may better carry out its prophetic and holistic missions according to God’s vision and with the purpose of positively transforming CAR society. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M. Th. (Missiology)

Pour assurer ses missions les États ont besoin de prélever l’impôt afin de s’assurer des ressources. Lacaractéristique des États en développement est, en matière de Finances Publiques, d’avoir des recettesbasées essentiellement sur les taxes prélevées en frontière sur les marchandises. Malheureusement dansces pays là, l’efficacité des Organisations Douanières est rarement au rendez-vous, notamment du faitd’une corruption très importante parmi les douaniers.Aussi les Organisations Internationales recommandent une privatisation partielle des missions afind’améliorer les recettes. Les sociétés privées se sont spécialisées dans cette forme de recouvrement etainsi la plupart des pays africains ont recours à l’une ou l’autre des sociétés dites de " pré-inspection ".Après des années de pratique peut-on évaluer l’efficience de cette privatisation ? L’exemple de la RCAest particulièrement pertinent pour étudier cela puisque d’une part ce pays a poussé la privatisation àl’ensemble des missions douanières, ce qui est unique au monde et d’autre part la situation actuelle de cepetit pays découle au moins en partie de l’absence d’une administration des douanes solide.Dans l’écroulement des structures administratives de ce pays, assisté depuis sa création par toutesles Organisations Internationales, ces dernières, sont-elles exemptes de reproches ? / STATES collect revenue from taxes to provide necessary financial resources to the accomplishmentof their missions. Developing states have a common characteristic namely to collect revenue mainly onimported goods. Unfortunately customs administrations of these countries are generally inefficient due toa very high level of corruption of their personnel.Faced to this situation, internationals organisations advised to outsource some of the customs func-tions in order to improve the collection of revenue. Private companies developed new activities in thisarea and today most African countries have contracted out one or several of these companies usuallycalled preshipment inspection companies. After several years is it feasable to assess the efficiency of thatoutsourcing ? CAR is an excellent and pertinent study case to perform this assessment. On one hand,this country has outsourced all of the customs fonctions, which is a unique exemple in the world. Onthe other hand, there is a strong link between the existing situation of this country and the lack of anefficient customs administration.Can we blame these international organisations, which have assisted CAR since it’s creation, for thecollapse of the administrative structures of this country ?

<p>This dissertation focuses on raiding and sovereignty in the Central African Republic's (CAR) northeastern borderlands, on the margins of Darfur. A vast literature on social evolution has assumed the inevitability of centralization. But these borderlands show that centralization does not always occur. Never claimed by any centralizing forces, the area has instead long been used as a reservoir of resources by neighboring areas' militarized entrepreneurs, who seek this forest-savanna's goods. The raiders seize resources but also govern. The dynamics of this zone, much of it a place anthropologists used to refer to as "stateless," suggest a re-thinking of the modalities of sovereignty. The dissertation proposes conceptualizing sovereignty not as a totalizing, territorialized political order but rather through its constituent governing capabilities, which may centralize or not, and can combine to create hybrid political systems. The dissertation develops this framework through analysis of three categories of men-in-arms -- road-blockers, anti-poaching militiamen, and members of rebel groups -- and their relationships with international peacebuilding initiatives. It compares roadblocks and "road cutting" (robbery) to show how they stop traffic and create flexible, personalized entitlements to profit for those who operate them. The dissertation also probes the politics of militarized conservation: in a low-level war that has lasted for twenty-five years, the European Union-funded militiamen fight deadly battles against herders and hunters. Though ostensibly fought to protect CAR's "national patrimony" (its animals and plants), this war bolsters the sovereign capabilities of a range of non-state actors and has resulted in hundreds of deaths in the last few years, many of them hidden in the bush. The dissertation then shows how CAR's recent cycle of rebellion has changed governance in rural areas. Though mobile armed groups have long operated in CAR, they used to work as road cutters and local defense forces and only recently started calling themselves "rebels" -- a move that has landed them in new roles as "governors" of populations while leaving them without the welfare largess they seek. Throughout these various raiders' projects, the idea of the all-powerful state serves as a reference point they use to qualify themselves with sovereign authorities. But their actions as rulers undermine the creation of the unitary political authority they desire and invoke. Failure to appreciate these non-centralized micropolitical processes is a main reason peacebuilding efforts (such as disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration) in the region have failed.</p> / Dissertation

The Central African Republic is a small country located in the center of Africa. It is a very young nation in terms of political independence, but as the CAR emerges as a nation, it has begun to produce valuable authors who write for the French speaking world. This thesis is an attempt to bring part of the CAR's literature to the United States.Le Silence de la Foret was written by Etienne Goyemide and not only describes the culture of the mainstream population of the CAR, but also that of Pygmies. Although the book is a novel, the cultural aspects are not fictitious. This thesis is a translation of Goyemide's novel into English so that it can be made accessible to the English speaking world.The process of translating such a literary work required and increased knowledge and understanding of both French and English. In attempting to capture the style and tone of the author, careful attention was given to such aspects as tense, syntactic structures, register and vocabulary. A chapter of the thesis is devoted to describing the problems encountered during translation and the reasoning for the translations chosen. / Department of English