Realize the situation about CO2 emission in Europe and China. Find out which reasons caused the CO2 emission will be changed. We did the data collection: CO2 emissions from China and EU. Energy consumption (include the total, electricity and transportation) and energy structure. Increased CO2 emission caused by Global warming. The CO2 emission increased with fossil-fuel use increased. China almost used of fossil energy, in 2004, domestic use for coal achieve to 67.7% of the total energy consumption. In 2010, the coal supply account for 48% of the world; the coal supply in 2000 to 2009 increased 85.5%. The CO2 emissions in 2009 is 6803.92 mil-tones, increased 13.32% than 2008, No. 1 of world. EU energy structure is keep changed, the rate of utilization for traditional fossil-fuel was gradually reduced. In 2010, the EU coal supply 8% of the world, 2000-2009 presents negative growth (3.8%). The CO2 emissions in 2009 were 4310.3 mil-tones, more than 2008 years to reduce 6.9%. CO2 emission based on energy consumption; Energy consumption is supply a variety of services to people. We must consider with population. China’s CO2/per capita less than average level in world, and lower than most EU countries.   China and EU are planning for future energy structure (reduce the use of fossil-fuel and increase renewable energy construction), that means up to energy saving and emission reduction purpose. The emission reduction of focus is to change the energy structure, reduce fossil-fuel use. China predicting the coal utilization rate under 60% of the total energy consumption. Thus, by 2020, forecast reducing 40-45% CO2 emission based on 1995. EU energy structure better than china, while they planning energy saving reach 20% at 2020, and improve the renewable energy use. By 2020, EU-27 forecast reducing 20% CO2 emission based on 1990 CO2 emission.

Since Sweden became a member of the European Union (EU) several constitutional reforms has been taking place. During this time, Sweden has also changed its view on democracy,from a collective to an individual perspective of democracy in the politics. A reasonable hypothesis and the purpose of this essay is to investigate if the Swedish government has beendeveloped towards an Europeanization. The Swedish state audit changed in a pioneering way after the EU- entry, with the formation of Riksrevisionen. Another constitutional change is that the Swedish EU- membership is being instituted in the Swedish constitution. The role of Swedish courts has also changed since the EU- entry. The obvious incitement element for judicial review has been abolished. The question is if this constitutional change has resulted in an Europeanization of the Swedish government and public administration, or if there is sustained evidence in a traditional Swedish government in the constitutional changes that has occurred. To investigate this supposed Europeanization, a normative theory and a traditional European government has been used. The descriptions of a Swedish and European government consist primarily of public pressure. There is nothing that indicates a European change in the Swedish management tradition, with the formation of Riksrevisionen. Riksrevisionens constitutional structure reminds of a traditional Swedish democratic administration. However a broad political majority has agreed on the EU- cooperation and on strengthens of the judiciary. This is in line with the Europeanization.

This dissertation examines two interconnected research questions: What conditions give rise and lead to the electoral success of anti-establishment parties and what are the consequences of this electoral success? Literature concerning anti-establishment parties fails to investigate this phenomenon in its entirety by focusing disproportionately on the electoral success of these parties neglecting the consequences of this electoral success. Although the electoral success of anti-establishment parties and the subsequent consequences have different theoretical underpinnings, the effects that anti-establishment parties have on individual parties and the party system are dependent upon the electoral success of these of parties. Therefore, this dissertation focuses on both the electoral success and the consequences of anti-establishment parties in Western Europe. Concerning electoral success, this dissertation offers a new approach to the literature by arguing that anti-establishment parties, regardless of their placement on the political spectrum, are born out of the dissatisfaction towards traditional parties within the electorate. Using quantitative analyses of eighteen Western European countries covering the time period 1970-2005, this dissertation offers a unified analysis of anti-establishment parties, regardless of their placement on the political spectrum, examining the political, social, and economic conditions that give rise to the anti-establishment party phenomenon. The findings indicate that while the factors leading to the emergence of anti-establishment parties may be the same regardless of the placement of these parties on the political spectrum, the factors leading to their electoral success are dependent upon their ideological orientation. Furthermore, the electoral success of these new parties has consequences for other individual parties and the broader party system. This dissertation argues that the existence of these parties alone is not enough to accomplish this aim; these parties must be seen as threats to existing mainstream parties on either the left or the right or in some cases, both. In order to counter the threat from these anti-establishment parties, traditional parties may change their ideological positions or organizational structures. Utilizing qualitative (face-to-face interviews with party elites) and evidence from party manifestos from 1970-2005 in six countries, these analyses indicate that the electoral success of anti-establishment parties affects individual parties by altering the ideological placement, particularly on issues relevant to anti-establishment party electoral success. To a lesser extent, traditional parties alter their organizational structures (i.e., allocating more power to rank-and-file members, regional, and local branches), in order to counter this new electoral threat. Moreover, the electoral success of anti-establishment parties causes instability within the broader party system. Utilizing quantitative, statistical methods to analyze eighteen western European countries between 1970 and 2005, this dissertation finds that the electoral success of anti-establishment parties increases the amount of electoral volatility and the amount of polarization both within the system and between traditional parties. However, anti-establishment parties do not mobilize the electorate leading to increases voter turnout in these eighteen countries. Finally, anti-establishment parties, by gaining seats in national legislatures, upset the traditional coalitional dynamics. As such, the electoral success of anti-establishment parties leads to shorter coalitional governments within the party systems of Western Europe.

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Fachbereich Geschichtswissenschaften--Marburg--Philipps-Universität, 1999. / Bibliogr. p. 455-618.

Diss.--Gießen, 2003. / Bibliogr. p. 309-331.

Diss.--Universität Düsseldorf, 1999. / Bibliogr. p. 253-267.

Diss.--Florenz, 1996. / Notes bibliogr. p. 251-295.

Texte remanié de: Thèse de doctorat--Science politique. / Bibliogr. p. 224-228.

Th.--Hamburg University, 2000. / Bibliogr. p. 174-193. Index.

Texte remanié de: Mémoire de DEA--Géographie--Paris--EPHE, 2005. / En appendice, choix de documents. Bibliogr. p. 97-100. Bibliogr. des oeuvres de et sur E. de Martonne p. 15-26. Résumés en français, en allemand, en anglais, en roumain et en russe.