The written was the world of early medieval Iberia. Literacy was limited, but textuality was extensive, in the authority conferred on text and the arrangements made to use it. Roman inheritance is manifest, in documentary and legal culture, engendering literate expectations which define the period; continuity across conquest by Visigoths and Arabs, and the weakness of states in the north of the Peninsula, must lay to rest the traditional coupling of literacy with politics which underlies the paradigm of the Middle Ages. Between the eighth and eleventh centuries, as estates expanded to surmount locality and enter communities which had made do with memory, engagement with documentation was incentivized for the laity. Organization to do so followed, at one remove: the person of the scribe, who wrote the charter and recorded all those involved in and present at it, before recycling the text back into the community by public reading. The scribe mediated the text, and as his occupation consolidated he became more fully a literate interpreter. The charter, once created, had an active afterlife of dynamic circulation, enabled by multiple and accessible archives, particularly in the hands of the clergy. Written evidence was the surest defence in case of dispute; charters were self-promoting in their mutual citation as well as practical efficacy. But they also diffused legal knowledge: as each rhetorical, pragmatic, silent, and legislative reference to written law was read aloud by the scribe, how to capitalize on its provisions became better known, so kings and counts seized the potential. For the clergy, the Bible, canon law, and monastic rules were the texts which bestowed identity, but as they interacted with the laity, they set the charter in the history of salvation, and modelled textuality to society, as their monasteries became the microcosms of its written framework.

This thesis examines the post-Roman and Anglo-Saxon religious reuse of Roman structures, particularly burials associated with Roman structures, and churches on or near Roman buildings. Although it is known that the Anglo-Saxons existed in and interacted with the vestigial, physical landscape of Roman Britain, the specific nature and result of this interaction has not been completely understood. The present study examines the Anglo-Saxon religious reuse of Roman structures in an attempt to understand the Anglo-Saxon perception of Roman structures and the impact they had on the developing ecclesiastical landscape. In particular, the study reveals how we may better understand the structural coincidence of Roman buildings and early-medieval religious activity in the light of the apparent discontinuity between many Roman and early-medieval landscapes in Britain. The study begins by providing an overview of the evidence for existing Roman remains in the Anglo-Saxon period. It examines the archaeological and historical evidence, and discusses literary references to Roman structures in an attempt to ascertain how the ruins of Roman villas, towns and forts would have been perceived. Particular attention is paid to The Ruin, a poem in Old English which provides us with our only contemporary description of Roman remains in Britain. The first chapter concludes by examining the evidence for the religious reuse of Roman secular structures in Gaul and Rome, providing a framework into which the evidence in the subsequent chapters is placed. The examination the proceeds to burials on or associated with Roman structures. It shows that the practice of interring the dead into Roman structures occurred between the fifth and eighth centuries, but peaked at the beginning of the seventh, with comparatively few sites at the extreme end of the data range. The discussion is based on the evidence of 115 sites that show this burial rite, but it is very apparent that this number is only a fragment of the whole, as these inhumations are often mistakenly identified as Roman, even when the stratigraphy demonstrates that burial occurred after the ruin of the villa, as is often the case. The placement of the bodies show a conscious reuse of the ruinous architecture, rather then suggesting interment was made haphazardly on the site: frequently the body is placed either centrally within a room, or is in contact with some part of the Roman fabric. Some examples suggest that there may have been a preference for apsidal rooms for this purpose. Churches associated with Roman buildings are then examined, and their significance in the development of the English Christian landscape is discussed. Churches of varying status – from minsters to chapels – can be found on Roman buildings throughout the country. Roman structures were clearly chosen for the sites of churches from the earliest Christian period into the tenth, and probably even the eleventh century. Alternatives to the so-called proprietary model are examined, and their origins and development are discussed, particularly in reference to the continental evidence. The end of the study places the thesis into a wider landscape context, and introduces potential avenues of further exploration using GIS. The study concludes that there are a number of causes underlying the religious reuse of Roman buildings, each not necessarily exclusive of the other, and that the study of these sites can further any investigation into the development of the ecclesiastical topography of England, and the eventual development of the parochial landscape.

The phenomenon of the reuse of prehistoric monuments—notably Bronze Age barrows—for early medieval burial has long been recognised as remarkably prevalent in the archaeological record. This systematic study of the landscape context of ‘Early-Middle Saxon’ burial in Wessex assumes a broader outlook, and considers all aspects of the antecedent landscape which may have influenced the siting of funerary locales. Engaging primarily with archaeological evidence, complemented by documentary and place-name sources, it examines the influence of topography, land-use, territorial organisation, and perceptions of ancient features on the location of burial sites, and the role played by burial in the formation of group identities. Moreover, it investigates the emergence and evolution of the practice of monument appropriation, and its exploitation and adaptation by an increasingly defined elite class. The selection of three case study counties—Wiltshire, Hampshire and Dorset—within a discrete area of southern England which, by the latter part of the period of study, had been incorporated into the kingdom of Wessex, allows the evidence to be examined at local and sub-regional levels, and facilitates supra-regional comparisons. The burial record is scrutinised and analysed with the aid of Geographical Information Systems (GIS) in order to construct a detailed picture of the influence of topography and other aspects of the natural and man-made environment on burial location. It also reveals the significant impact that antiquarian and modern archaeological investigation patterns have had on the distribution and nature of the burial record.

The debate over the continuity, or discontinuity, of the late Roman settlement landscape has reigned long over studies of settlement and landscape transition between the Roman and early medieval periods. Traditionally, these studies have been confined to their period of research, typically taking a site-based perspective and neglecting the wider social and physical context. Since the development of ‘landscape archaeology’, the importance of the wider physical and social landscape, both as a source of evidence in its own right and the arena in which the processes of settlement change during the Roman and early medieval periods took place, has come to the forefront of settlement and landscape studies for these periods. Much of the research, however, remains qualitative in nature, rich in contextualisation and historical reflection, but lacking in systematic and spatial analysis. This thesis addresses that gap through a broad-scale, quantitative, study of Roman and early medieval settlement, to determine how far patterns of late Roman settlement appear to continue into the 5th to 11th centuries, and to what extent they influenced settlement processes during that period. The results have been systematically assessed across a range of distinctive and adjacent character regions, or pays, over three regional study areas, Norfolk, Kent and Somerset, to determine whether trends in Roman and early medieval settlement relationships, relative to their physical landscape context, demonstrate regional, or sub-regional, variation. The results reinforce the current understanding of settlement processes for these two periods: that the river valleys were predominantly the favoured areas for Roman settlement, particularly higher status Roman settlement, and that the lighter valley soils potentially saw a greater stability and continuity of settlement during the 5th to 11th centuries. This contrasts with the heavier clay soils and interfluvial areas which more typically saw lower status Roman occupation and were more prone to phases of settlement contraction and expansion during the 5th to 11th centuries. This rather simplistic distinction between areas of potential ‘continuity’ and ‘discontinuity’, however, inevitably embraces more nuanced variation in Roman and early medieval settlement relationships at a regional and sub regional level, as demonstrated in the individual discussion for each study area through the concept of ‘pays’.

Le premier Moyen Âge a longtemps souffert d’une mauvaise réputation, celle d’être une période sombre et particulièrement violente. À l’appui de nouvelles grilles de lecture, la recherche a entrepris, au cours des dernières décennies, une réévaluation de sa justice. Mais ce champ d’études est encore lacunaire, et plus encore pour l’Aquitaine. La présente étude s’attache donc à reconstituer ses cadres institutionnels et sociétaux entre le début de la période carolingienne et la fin du XIIe siècle. Une étude d’anthropologie historique du droit permet, à partir de cas concrets, de démontrer les mécanismes par lesquels les conflits pouvaient être gérés, tout en dégageant les évolutions majeures qui s’observent dans les sources. Appréhender la justice altimédiévale passe par la reconstitution des structures, des procédures judiciaires et des stratégies sociales alors déployées pour trouver une solution aux différends. Il apparaît bien vite que les juges se sont appliqués à donner des réponses aux litiges en privilégiant les accords et la paix, plus que la coercition. Leur action se situe à la croisée du droit, du social et du religieux. Dans cette perspective, il est nécessaire de regarder le Moyen Âge, non pas du dehors avec des yeux modernes, mais du dedans pour comprendre les logiques qui en soutiennent toute la structure. Cette analyse donne l’occasion de mettre en lumière les manuscrits juridiques aquitains, dont une partie est encore inédite, pour reconsidérer l’efficacité de la justice altimédiévale. / The first Middle Ages have a bad reputation, because we think that the period is dark and particularly violent. A new scientific vision has emerged during the last few decades. We can now evaluate the exercise of justice. But this approach is incomplete, especially for Aquitaine. This thesis therefore aims to reconstitute its institutional and societal frameworks between the beginning of the Carolingian period and the end of the twelfth century. A study of historical anthropology of law allows, from concrete cases, to demonstrate the mechanisms by which conflicts could be managed, while highlighting the major evolutions that are observed in the sources. To understand altimedial justice, we must reconstruct structures, judicial procedures, social strategies. It is clear that judges have privileged agreements and peace. In this perspective, it is necessary to look at the Middle Ages, not from outside with modern eyes, but from within. This analysis provides an opportunity to highlight the legal manuscripts of Aquitaine, and to question the effectiveness of justice of the High Middle Ages.

This thesis explores identity in early mediaeval Scotland (ca 800-1300AD) using biological and burial deposition data. During this period Scotland was developing as a unified kingdom. The Norse, Scots, and Anglo-Saxons battled for political power. The Saxon and Irish Churches were pressuring for superiority over each other and over local beliefs. Many research areas in bioarchaeology have moved away from the more simplistic processual approach after a renewed understanding of the complexities of human existence. However, this newer methodology has not been sufficiently applied to early mediaeval Scottish studies. Common doxa still permeates the discipline despite the lack of critical assessment. Doxa tends to separate the early mediaeval Scottish world into the circumscribed categories of Norse (or ‘Viking’) and native, Christian and pagan. These commonly accepted site designations regarding ethnicity and religion were used to assess three hundred and twenty-one individuals from 21 sites. These individuals were analysed macroscopically for age, sex, stature and limb ratios, craniometrics, joint degeneration and disease, musculo-skeletal stress markers, dental pathologies, and overall health and disease. This data was compared to the available documentation for the sites considering site location, body position, cemetery type, grave enclosures, and grave furnishings. Statistical and qualitative methods were used to compare the data. Results suggest that there are slight differences within the population that may suggest some legitimacy for common site designations; however, the overall conclusion implies caution in the use of oversimplified categorising and a generally egalitarian view of identity for the early mediaeval people in Scotland.

Crosses made in metal, paint, or stone stand at a singular intersection of past, present and future in the early medieval period. The historical cross of Golgotha is the source of such manufactured crosses’ form and power. Most also represent the theology of the Cross through their form and decoration, describing the soteriology of the crucifixion and anticipating its consummation at the end of time. As manufactured crosses recount the past and look forward to the eschaton, they concurrently function in the age of the Church, offering specific, contemporary points of access to all the larger cross-sign represents. In its multivalent identity, the cross’ status as the Church’s central sign reflects the Church’s own temporal position, simultaneously commemorating sacred history, functioning in the present day, and preparing for the Second Coming. Although rarely recognized, the Church-time form of the cross—which I term the “instrumental” cross—is often a discernable component of early medieval cross-objects and images. I argue that we can recognize the instrumental cross among the commemorative and proleptic aspects of the sign because a formal and conceptual language developed to articulate it. In its instrumental form, the cross becomes the sign of the Church in its role as mediator between Christians, Christ and the eschaton, affirming the indispensable place of man-made artwork in that project. The instrumental cross, in turn, signals the instrumentality of the many artworks into which it is incorporated. It plays a particularly important role in manuscripts. In the first half of the dissertation I define a class of visual strategies that communicate the instrumental identity of the cross. I treat works in many media in Chapter 1 and focus on manuscripts in Chapters 2–3. The second half of the dissertation concentrates upon the case studies of four complex, hitherto neglected gospel codices from ninth–tenth century western France. In each, the deep relationship between Church-time cross and gospel book drives a pictorial program that is crafted to define a specific codex as an manufactured instrument, made to integrate its community with the larger project of the Church for which the cross-sign stands. / History of Art and Architecture

This thesis presents a series of case studies of early medieval narratives about the non-Roman, non-biblical distant past. After an introduction that briefly outlines the context of Christian traditions of historiography in the same period, in chapter two, I examine the Gothic histories of Jordanes and Isidore, and show how they present different methods of reconciling notions of Gothic independence with the heritage of Rome. Chapter three looks at the Trojan origin narratives of the Franks in the Fredegar chronicle and the 'Liber historiae Francorum', and argues that this origin story, based on the model of the Roman foundation myth, was a means of making the Franks separate from Rome, but nevertheless comparable in the distinction of their origins. Chapter four studies Paul the Deacon’s 'Historia Langobardorum', and argues that although Paul drew more on oral sources than did the other histories examined, his text is equally not a record of ancient oral tradition, but presents a synthesis of a Roman, Christian, and of non-Roman and pagan or Arian heritages, and shows that there was actually little differentiation between them. Chapter five is an examination of 'Waltharius', a Latin epic drawing on Christian verse traditions, but also on oral vernacular traditions about the distant past; I suggest that it is evidence of the interpenetration between secular, oral, vernacular culture and ecclesiastical, written and Latin learning. 'Beowulf', the subject of chapter six, is similar evidence for such intercourse, though in this case to some extent in the other direction: while in 'Waltharius' Christian morality appears to have little of a role to play, in 'Beowulf' the distant past is explicitly problematised because it was pagan. In the final chapter, I examine the further evidence for oral vernacular secular historical traditions in the ninth and tenth centuries, and argue that the reason so little survives is because, when the distant past had no immediate political function—as origin narratives might—it was normally seen as suspect by the Church, which largely controlled the medium of writing.

It has become an axiom of British archaeology that the results of developer-funded fieldwork are under-utilised in research and several projects carried out at British universities have attempted to redress this perceived imbalance. These projects, including those on British and Continental prehistory carried out by Richard Bradley, the Roman Rural settlement project, the Fields of Britannia project, John Blair's work on early medieval England and the EngLaId project, of which this thesis forms a component, have all demonstrated beyond doubt the transformative effect of the data produced by developer-funded work on our understanding. However, to date no project has sought to utilise artefact and ecofact data produced by developer-funded work on a similar scale. This thesis is partly an attempt to fill this gap, by using ceramic, animal bone and charred plant data from digital archives generated by developer-funded archaeology, to address a series of questions about food production/consumption over the later prehistoric and early historic periods in Southern England. These three datasets have very varied characteristics and their integration in a single database was, therefore, one of the major challenges of the thesis. However, this also provided the opportunity to ask new questions and to address old questions with new data. The thesis argues that regional ecosystems had a long-term influence on processes of food production/consumption, which displayed considerable continuities across the boundaries of traditional archaeological periods. Landscape, settlement, ceramic, animal bone and charred plant data from three regional case studies, encompassing the Upper Thames Valley, the Middle and Lower Thames Valley and the route of HS1 in Kent were investigated using a Filemaker database and QGIS mapping. It is argued that, while there were long-term continuities in the use of plants and animals, the expression of social relationships expressed in fields, settlements and ceramics followed a cyclical pattern.

abstract: The transition from Late Antiquity to Early Medieval Europe (ca. AD 400-900) is often characterized as a period of ethnogenesis for a number of peoples, such as the Franks. Arising during protracted contact with the Roman Empire, the Franks would eventually form an enduring kingdom in Western Europe. However, there is little consensus about the processes by which they formed an ethnic group. This study takes a fresh look at the question of Frankish ethnogenesis by employing a number of theoretical and methodological subdisciplines, including population genetics and ethnogenetic theory. The goals of this work were 1) to validate the continued use of biological data in questions of historical and archaeological significance; and 2) to elucidate how Frankish population structure changed over time. Toward this end, measurements from the human dentition and crania were subjected to rigorous analytical techniques and interpreted within a theoretical framework of ethnogenetic life cycles. Results validate existing interpretations of intra-regional biological continuity over time. However, they also reveal that 1) there are clear biological and geographical differences between communities, and 2) there are hints of diachronic shifts, whereby some communities became more similar to each other over time. These conclusions complement current ethnohistoric work arguing for the increasing struggle of the Frankish kingdom to unify itself when confronted by strong regionally-based politics. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Anthropology 2015