The East India Mission of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints was officially opened in 1851, with the arrival of Elder Joseph Richards from England. He baptized several people, the most important of whom were James Patric Meik and his family, Maurice White, and Matthew McCune and his family. The Meiks and the McCunes contributed a great deal of service to the Church in Calcutta and Rangoon. Both of these families eventaully immigrated to Utah. Elder Richards left Calcutta after a few months there and before his return some months later, was preceeded by Elder William Willes. Willes labored in Calcutta and then on the return of Elder Richards from England, the two men carried the Gospel to Agra and the Upper Provinces.In April of 1853, these two men were joined by thirteen Elders from America, four of whom were sent to Siam. Thus the total number of official missionaries that were sent to the East India Mission was fifteen. Elders Meik and McCune were local converts, but did act as missionaries.

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This dissertation explores the experience of Indian immigrants to the United States in the early twentieth century through an examination of the self-published writings of Dinshah P. Ghadiali, a Parsi Zoroastrian who immigrated to the United States with the hope of establishing himself as an important inventor but instead earned notoriety as a charismatic if irrepressible quack. With his family, Ghadiali settled in New Jersey in 1911, and became a naturalized citizen in 1917, the same year that Congress banned further immigration from all of Asia. He purchased a printing press early in his career to promote his discoveries but gradually repurposed it to archiving the many injuries and affronts he suffered in his encounters with immigration officials, police, journalists, judges, and juries. Ghadiali was arrested several times throughout his career for laws governing the practice of medicine, but he became the target of increasingly racialized persecution after he married a white woman in 1923. He was accused of "white slavery" and sentenced to prison for five years. In 1932, the government sought to strip him of his citizenship. Ghadiali believed he had been singled out for persecution by professional rivals--in fact, he was caught in a much broader campaign to denaturalize citizens of Indian origin after the Supreme Court, in United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind (1923), determined that Indians were "racially ineligible" for citizenship. The volumes examined here consist mainly of Ghadiali's reconstructions of his many encounters with the law. Rather than a biography or cultural study of racialization, this dissertation explores the way in which immigrant subjects participate in the crafting of personhood or subjectivity through violent and mundane encounters with legal institutions, legal language, and legal form.

The movement in India to abolish indentured emigration to tropical colonies (particularly Fiji, Trinidad, British Guiana and Natal) had its origins in the "Moderate" era of Indian nationalism and the politics of G. K. Gokhale. It began with the concern of the Indian middle class that their status in the British Empire was denigrated by that of their "coolie" compatriots. However, as the details of the indenture system were brought to light, the anti-indenture movement came to encompass almost every group in India, from village to metropolitan centre, from the conservative, orthodox Marwaris of Calcutta to the westernized Parsi elite of Bombay. The issue joined the era of Gokhale to the era of Gandhi, and was the vehicle for Gandhi's transition from overseas politician to a major political figure in India. The issue came to be seen by most Indians--and many imperialists--as a direct struggle between Indian national honour and the capitalist interests of colonial entrepreneurs. When indentured emigration was finally halted in 1917 it was in response, not to a moderate constitutional effort, but to India-wide political agitation and a threatened satyagraha movement. In the process, the confidence of Indian citizens in both imperial equality and the efficacy of constitutional methods was undermined at a crucial point in the development of Indian nationalism and the evolution of Empire into Commonwealth.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Toronto, 2005.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Perkins School of Theology, Southern Methodist University, 1986. / Abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 132-137).

Thesis (D. Min.)--Perkins School of Theology, Southern Methodist University, 1986. / Abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 132-137).

There are two themes that are explored in this thesis. The first is an examination of the process of acculturation, defined here as the process of learning skills and strategies native to another group. The second is comparative and examines the causes for the relative success that the Portuguese had in learning to accommodate and be accepted in Canada. By the same token the sources of acculturative stress for the Sikhs will be identified. The two groups are comparable along several dimensions such as age, education, skills, knowledge of English on arrival and so on. Learning to be effective in Canada means understanding and acting appropriately in given contexts. The spheres that I have identified as important are the workplace and the community in which they live. The other spheres that come under scrutiny as a result of the spillover of public activities and experiences are the family, and the sphere of religious beliefs and practices. The workplace, I argue, is a central institution wherein acculturation is imperative. Secondly, the establishment of individuals in the community is a crucial factor. While the formation of an ethnic enclave might serve as a support system for newcomers, it also isolates and separates them from others. The Sikh definition of identity is hierarchical, with religion providing an anchorage for all other spheres such as the family, caste, village, and occupation. In sort, individuals did not experience life activities as differentiated or unrelated. Given the contexts of ambivalence and hostility they perceived and/or experienced in Canada, the acquisition of new forms of thought were neither seen as a challenge nor a necessity; but as a threat to their identity. The Portuguese model, on the other hand, recognizes the distinction between public and private lives. To them being "Portuguese" and/or "Catholic" are primarily private matters. Also, by and large they gave importance to individual achievement over corporate identity. To them, acculturation and ethnic identity were complementary modes for the definition of themselves within the Canadian context. / Arts, Faculty of / Sociology, Department of / Graduate

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published_or_final_version / Psychology / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy