This study uses qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) to examine the basis of industry political power by assessing conditions of economic interdependence and political action associated with the passage of the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981 (ERTA), and the significant reduction in effective tax rates for eight of eighteen U.S. industries. Past research has focused on the simple passage of "pro-business" legislation, failing to provide adequate evidence as to who benefits or how they benefit from the legislation. The Boolean analysis used in this study indicates that a distinct combination of both political action and economic factors present a clear pattern of causal conditions associated with both tax winners and losers. Using three separate analyses, the theoretically exclusive explanations offered by both class dominance and structural theories fail to provide any clear explanations. Tax policy is associated with a set of conditions that are conjunctural in nature, supporting a combined model. Strong PAC contributions, number of registered lobbyists, and outside lobby firms in association with a strong federal relationship, and either total economic strength or strong inter-industry relations produced the specific conjunctural patterns associated with "winning' industries. Lack of significant PAC contributions to the House Ways and Means and Senate Finance Committees insured an industries failure to benefit from the legislative change. The results from this study indicate that a new theoretical model is needed that incorporates the complexity of the interdependent-relationships of political and economic conditions. Evolving from the mutually exclusive theoretical explanations of the past, class segmentation, political dominance, and structural economic explanations are brought back together in a manner that exposes the complexity of the relationships resulted in tangible benefits from the passage of ERTA.

This study uses qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) to examine the basis of industry political power by assessing conditions of economic interdependence and political action associated with the passage of the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981 (ERTA), and the significant reduction in effective tax rates for eight of eighteen U.S. industries. Past research has focused on the simple passage of "pro-business" legislation, failing to provide adequate evidence as to who benefits or how they benefit from the legislation. The Boolean analysis used in this study indicates that a distinct combination of both political action and economic factors present a clear pattern of causal conditions associated with both tax winners and losers. Using three separate analyses, the theoretically exclusive explanations offered by both class dominance and structural theories fail to provide any clear explanations. Tax policy is associated with a set of conditions that are conjunctural in nature, supporting a combined model. Strong PAC contributions, number of registered lobbyists, and outside lobby firms in association with a strong federal relationship, and either total economic strength or strong inter-industry relations produced the specific conjunctural patterns associated with "winning' industries. Lack of significant PAC contributions to the House Ways and Means and Senate Finance Committees insured an industries failure to benefit from the legislative change. The results from this study indicate that a new theoretical model is needed that incorporates the complexity of the interdependent-relationships of political and economic conditions. Evolving from the mutually exclusive theoretical explanations of the past, class segmentation, political dominance, and structural economic explanations are brought back together in a manner that exposes the complexity of the relationships resulted in tangible benefits from the passage of ERTA.

The Kantian Triangle of democratic institutions, IGOs, and economic interdependence has received a great deal of attention by international relations scholars. This project expands on liberal theory by arguing the pacific effects of the Kantian Triangle extend beyond dyadic context, and shapes state decision making on defense spending decisions. This project asserts that as states (1) build democratic institutions, (2) increase the number of memberships in international intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), and (3) exposes domestic markets to the global economy and subsequent interdependence on foreign markets for both imports and exports, they are less likely to allocate resources toward the military. To test this argument I employ both quantitative and qualitative methods. I first utilize a pooled time series data set of all states from 1960-2000. I then examine the case of Brazil and its relationship with the Kantian Triangle and subsequent military planning decisions. I conclude that there is mixed evidence to support the notion that the Kantian Triangle reduces military spending. I establish that while democracies reduce military spending, consolidated democracies enjoy no additional benefit in military spending. However, the longer states are democracies the more likely they are to reduce spending, and if they have electoral systems based on consensus designs. I find that IGO memberships reduce military spending, however, the bulk of influence IGOs have on military spending decisions are retained by security focused organizations. Lastly, I find that international trade and overall economic globalization increases military spending, while regional trade decreases it. In all the Kantian Triangle has a substantial influence on military spending, yet it is clear from this project that this influence is not universal among all elements of the Kantian Triangle, and that the liberal influences are not completely pacific.

In “Money Talks: Turkey, The Kurdish Regional Government, and the Shaping of a Future Kurdish State”, I aim to explore the puzzle of why Turkey is establishing economic and diplomatic relations with the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) considering its violent conflict with its Kurdish population. I was able to solve this puzzle by collecting and analyzing various works of literature surrounding Turkish foreign policy towards the KRG. Through my research, I learned about the complex and nuanced partnership between the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) and Ankara, and the potential effect this partnership will have on Kurdish statehood. This issue is important because it highlights a controversial debate surrounding minority groups’ right to statehood in the Middle East and points to shifting economic and political dynamics in the Middle East.

In this paper I explore the causal relationship between the strategic economic interdependence advanced by Western democracies after WWII and the "puzzle of participation" in US presidential elections. More specifically, I seek to illustrate first how economic convergence within the West and then the transition from Keynesian to monetarist policy rhetoric reflexively diminish the degree to which US working class voters can realistically petition their elected officials regarding the most salient matters of economic self-interest. My results indicate that from 1948-2004, the working public became more isolated from their most salient economic decisions, voted less often due to heretofore unexplored macroeconomic indicators.

A maior integração econômica ocorrida nas últimas décadas, principalmente decorrente da fragmentação do processo produtivo, tornou indispensável a análise da região em um contexto territorialmente mais amplo. Consequentemente, os modelos inter-regionais de insumoproduto, capazes de incorporar à análise aspectos de interdependência regional, ganharam muita relevância. No entanto, a escassez de dados primários para a construção desses modelos impôs a necessidade da estimação de algumas informações que usualmente não estão disponíveis. Desta forma, decorrente das diferentes combinações das técnicas de estimação existentes, sistemas inter-regionais de insumo-produto, para um mesmo conjunto de regiões, em um mesmo ano, podem ser diferentes em termos partitivos e holísticos. Diante do exposto, a presente tese tem como objetivo avaliar como a escolha do método, na estimação dos sistemas inter-regionais, pode influenciar os resultados da análise de insumo-produto, em contextos nacionais e subnacionais. Para isso, inicialmente, são estimados dois sistemas interestaduais de insumo-produto para as 27 UFs brasileiras, utilizando dois dos principais métodos presentes na literatura nacional, o Interregional Input-Output Adjustment System - IIOAS e o Tabela de Usos e Produção Inter-regionais - TUPI. Em seguida, os dois sistemas são comparados. Mesmo apresentando diferenças partitivas significativas, os dois métodos aprestaram bastante acurácia holística, de maneira que a utilização do IIOAS ou o TUPI na estimação do sistema interregional para as 27 UFs brasileiras não compromete, de forma geral, os resultados da análise de insumo-produto. No entanto, para estudos específicos, que envolvam um determinado setor ou uma determinada região, principalmente se esta estiver no Norte do Brasil, é preciso que o analista esteja atento às possíveis variações observadas no presente estudo. Posteriormente, foram descritos e comparados dois dos principais sistemas globais de insumo-produto, o Intercountry Input-Output Model - ICIO - da OCDE e a World Input-Output Table - WIOT - da WIOD. Semelhante ao que ocorreu com os sistemas subnacionais, a baixa acurácia partitiva entre os valores estimados pelo ICIO e a WIOT não se converteu em baixa acurácia holística, isto é, não comprometeu os resultados da análise de insumo-produto para a grande maioria dos países. No entanto, quando se trata de uma análise específica para alguns países como Malta, Chipre, Lituânia e Luxemburgo, e/ou alguns setores, principalmente os de serviços, é preciso ter em conta alguns apontamentos feitos neste estudo. Ao considerarem-se os resultados para modelos globais e subnacionais de forma conjunta, conclui-se que uma política pública orientada por qualquer um dos sistemas aqui estimados não será comprometida. No entanto, esta pesquisa abordou apenas alguns dos principais métodos disponíveis para a construção de modelos inter-regionais de insumo-produto. Um possível desdobramento é a inclusão de outros métodos no processo de comparação, no intuito de corroborar ainda mais a literatura acerca da importância da escolha do método. / The fragmentation of the productive process led to a greater economic integration in the last decades, making it indispensable to analyze the region in a wider territorial context. Consequently, the interregional input-output models have gained relevance due to their incorporating aspects of regional interdependence. However, the scarcity of survey data required for the construction of these models, compelled the use of non-survey techniques to estimate non-available information. Because of various possible combinations of non-survey techniques, interregional input-output systems for the same set of regions in the same year may be different in partitive and holistic terms. Thus, this thesis aims to evaluate how the choice among different interregional systems estimation methods can influence the results of inputoutput analysis in national and subnational approaches. Initially, two interstate input-output systems are estimated for the 27 Brazilian UFs, using two of the main methods in the Brazilian literature, the Interregional Input-Output Adjustment System (IIOAS) and the Supply and Use Interregional Tables (TUPI). When comparing these two systems, even with expressive differences in partitive terms, they presented a high holistic accuracy. Therefore, the use of IIOAS or TUPI to build an interregional system for the 27 Brazilian UFs does not compromise the results of the input-output analysis. Nonetheless, for specific studies that involve a specific sector or region, the analyst must be aware of the possible variations observed in this study, especially if they are in the North of Brazil. Subsequently, two of the most important global input-output systems, Intercountry Input-Output Model (ICIO) from OECD and the World Input-Output Table (WIOT) from WIOD were described and compared. Like IIOAS and TUPI, the low partitive accuracy between systems estimated from ICIO and WIOT did not turn into a low holistic accuracy, i.e., it did not compromise the results of the input-output analysis for most countries. However, when it comes to a specific analysis for some countries such as Malta, Cyprus, Lithuania and Luxembourg and/or some sectors, especially service sectors, it is necessary to consider some remarks pointed out in this study. Considering the results for global and subnational models, it is concluded that, in a general way, the use of any system here estimated would not compromise public policies. Nevertheless, this research addressed just some of the main available interregional input-output estimation methods. A possible future development of this study would be the inclusion of other methods in the comparison process, to further support the literature about the importance of the method.

This thesis aims to study the relations between Turkey and Russia in the post-Soviet era by focusing on the nature of economic interdependence between these countries. Focusing on the energy, trade, tourism and investment sectors, the thesis evaluates the interaction between the political and economic factors in the relations between Turkey and the Russian Federation. Contrary to the general view which claims that the historically conflictual relations between these two countries have been replaced by more cooperative economic and political relations, the thesis argues that these relations are characterized by both cooperation and conflict due to the complex nature of their interdependence. In this sense, there is always a potential for tensions in these relations due to the strategic role of economic relations between Turkey and Russia. Following the introduction chapter, the second chapter examines the historical background of Turkish-Russian relations until the end of the Soviet era in 1991. The third and fourth chapters analyze the Yeltsin and Putin periods in Turkish-Russian relations by exploring the limits of economic interdependence in four main sectors of economic transaction / trade, energy, investment and tourism. The last chapter is the conclusion.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the unintended political effects of economic interdependence among South American members of the Alliance of the Pacific by tracing the evolution of their mutual trade in relation to the intensity of their military competitive dynamics from 2001 to 2015. Two measurement instruments are use: an intra-regional trade index based on commerce data, and a coordination index based on arms purchases. The question is if the formation of the Alliance and trade relations now embedded in it have had any effect on the cooperation-conflict political balance. Issues concerning the method are discuss as well as the implications of the research for the intertheory debate. Last section is dedicate to discuss briefly the historical understanding of regional conflicts and normative aims of regional integration. / El texto aborda los posibles efectos políticos no intencionados de la interdependencia económica entre los miembros sudamericanos de la Alianza del Pacífico examinando el desarrollo de sus relaciones comerciales en relación con la intensidad de sus dinámicas militares de competencia entre 2001 y 2015. Se emplean dos instrumentos de medición: un índice de comercio intragrupal basado en datos de comercio exterior y un índice de coordinación basado en datos de compras militares. Los resultados permiten observar si la creación de la Alianza del Pacífico y el comercio intragrupal han tenido efecto en el carácter de las relaciones políticas. Se discuten los alcances y limitaciones del método y las implicancias de la investigación para el debate inter-teórico. Finalmente, se discuten brevemente el carácter histórico de la conflictividad y los rasgos normativos del integracionismo regional.

A maior integração econômica ocorrida nas últimas décadas, principalmente decorrente da fragmentação do processo produtivo, tornou indispensável a análise da região em um contexto territorialmente mais amplo. Consequentemente, os modelos inter-regionais de insumoproduto, capazes de incorporar à análise aspectos de interdependência regional, ganharam muita relevância. No entanto, a escassez de dados primários para a construção desses modelos impôs a necessidade da estimação de algumas informações que usualmente não estão disponíveis. Desta forma, decorrente das diferentes combinações das técnicas de estimação existentes, sistemas inter-regionais de insumo-produto, para um mesmo conjunto de regiões, em um mesmo ano, podem ser diferentes em termos partitivos e holísticos. Diante do exposto, a presente tese tem como objetivo avaliar como a escolha do método, na estimação dos sistemas inter-regionais, pode influenciar os resultados da análise de insumo-produto, em contextos nacionais e subnacionais. Para isso, inicialmente, são estimados dois sistemas interestaduais de insumo-produto para as 27 UFs brasileiras, utilizando dois dos principais métodos presentes na literatura nacional, o Interregional Input-Output Adjustment System - IIOAS e o Tabela de Usos e Produção Inter-regionais - TUPI. Em seguida, os dois sistemas são comparados. Mesmo apresentando diferenças partitivas significativas, os dois métodos aprestaram bastante acurácia holística, de maneira que a utilização do IIOAS ou o TUPI na estimação do sistema interregional para as 27 UFs brasileiras não compromete, de forma geral, os resultados da análise de insumo-produto. No entanto, para estudos específicos, que envolvam um determinado setor ou uma determinada região, principalmente se esta estiver no Norte do Brasil, é preciso que o analista esteja atento às possíveis variações observadas no presente estudo. Posteriormente, foram descritos e comparados dois dos principais sistemas globais de insumo-produto, o Intercountry Input-Output Model - ICIO - da OCDE e a World Input-Output Table - WIOT - da WIOD. Semelhante ao que ocorreu com os sistemas subnacionais, a baixa acurácia partitiva entre os valores estimados pelo ICIO e a WIOT não se converteu em baixa acurácia holística, isto é, não comprometeu os resultados da análise de insumo-produto para a grande maioria dos países. No entanto, quando se trata de uma análise específica para alguns países como Malta, Chipre, Lituânia e Luxemburgo, e/ou alguns setores, principalmente os de serviços, é preciso ter em conta alguns apontamentos feitos neste estudo. Ao considerarem-se os resultados para modelos globais e subnacionais de forma conjunta, conclui-se que uma política pública orientada por qualquer um dos sistemas aqui estimados não será comprometida. No entanto, esta pesquisa abordou apenas alguns dos principais métodos disponíveis para a construção de modelos inter-regionais de insumo-produto. Um possível desdobramento é a inclusão de outros métodos no processo de comparação, no intuito de corroborar ainda mais a literatura acerca da importância da escolha do método. / The fragmentation of the productive process led to a greater economic integration in the last decades, making it indispensable to analyze the region in a wider territorial context. Consequently, the interregional input-output models have gained relevance due to their incorporating aspects of regional interdependence. However, the scarcity of survey data required for the construction of these models, compelled the use of non-survey techniques to estimate non-available information. Because of various possible combinations of non-survey techniques, interregional input-output systems for the same set of regions in the same year may be different in partitive and holistic terms. Thus, this thesis aims to evaluate how the choice among different interregional systems estimation methods can influence the results of inputoutput analysis in national and subnational approaches. Initially, two interstate input-output systems are estimated for the 27 Brazilian UFs, using two of the main methods in the Brazilian literature, the Interregional Input-Output Adjustment System (IIOAS) and the Supply and Use Interregional Tables (TUPI). When comparing these two systems, even with expressive differences in partitive terms, they presented a high holistic accuracy. Therefore, the use of IIOAS or TUPI to build an interregional system for the 27 Brazilian UFs does not compromise the results of the input-output analysis. Nonetheless, for specific studies that involve a specific sector or region, the analyst must be aware of the possible variations observed in this study, especially if they are in the North of Brazil. Subsequently, two of the most important global input-output systems, Intercountry Input-Output Model (ICIO) from OECD and the World Input-Output Table (WIOT) from WIOD were described and compared. Like IIOAS and TUPI, the low partitive accuracy between systems estimated from ICIO and WIOT did not turn into a low holistic accuracy, i.e., it did not compromise the results of the input-output analysis for most countries. However, when it comes to a specific analysis for some countries such as Malta, Cyprus, Lithuania and Luxembourg and/or some sectors, especially service sectors, it is necessary to consider some remarks pointed out in this study. Considering the results for global and subnational models, it is concluded that, in a general way, the use of any system here estimated would not compromise public policies. Nevertheless, this research addressed just some of the main available interregional input-output estimation methods. A possible future development of this study would be the inclusion of other methods in the comparison process, to further support the literature about the importance of the method.

Strategic international public-private partnerships (SIPPPs) involve private multinational and public domestic sector parties. SIPPPs are a more complex but less studied form of international strategic alliance (ISA) and increasingly important in the development of emerging economies. A growing body of ISA research has suggested the importance of cultural differences in the often-reported failure of such cross-cultural relationships, but their exact nature remains unknown. This study examines the effects of both national and organisational cultural value systems on trust-building in SIPPPs. It uniquely also tests whether the two types of cultural values are accorded differently by the two types of partner, private and public. The complex relationship building processes were studied through the combined lenses of social-exchange and cultural-exchange theories, providing a rich perspective on the phenomenon under study. The sample, based on purposive sampling, consisted of successful and unsuccessful SIPPS of various sizes, from different industries, operating in a number of African countries. Africa, with its challenging environment and increasing focus on SIPPPs, represented an "extreme context" within which hypotheses could be rigorously tested. The relationships were tested empirically using structural equation modelling. The study confirmed a strong relationship between partners’ economic and collaborative interdependency on the one hand, and mutual trust-levels on the other. Cultural difference was shown to have both a negative direct effect as well as a positive moderating effect on trust building, providing support for the notion of a “cultural paradox”. Strong evidence was provided that partners from opposite sides of the dyad, informed by their respective cultural backgrounds, have different perceptions of the relative importance of these relationships in building trust. The findings have theoretical and practical significance, suggesting that SIPPP partners can improve trust levels and sustain their relationship by building ties of economic interdependence and engaging in collaborative actions to build their collaborative interdependence. The importance of partners being sensitive to each other’s needs and perceptions, and of engaging in reciprocity to build mutual confidence and trust seems critical. The findings have important implications for SIPPP design and needed management skills, as well as for future cross-cultural dyadic research. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2018. / Gordon Institute of Business Science (GIBS) / PhD / Unrestricted