Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa no Estado do Rio Grande do Sul / This dissertation has as its theme the relationship of business elites of the financial sector and industry with the state economic policy in contemporary Brazil. Our object of the research, in precise terms, the discourse of the Industries Federation of São Paulo State (FIESP) and the bankers about the government's economic policy Dilma Rousseff (PT), in 2011-2014. Our sources of access to the object are i) articles, interviews and written statements / granted by industry business leaders and finance, published in the mainstream press organs; ii) materials and news (also from the press) about facts that were the contexts and the political situation analyzed here; iii) public notes and documents offered by FIESP and the Brazilian Federation of Banks (Febraban). The objective of this work is to identify, analyze, understand and compare i) ideological profiles and ii) the political positions - related to economic policy dilmista -, that can be inferred from the discursive productions of FIESP and bankers. Our main finding is that, even with ideological profiles, schedules and distinct modes of public behavior among themselves, after Dilma has implemented in his first presidential term economic policy matrix that significantly strengthened the role of State intervention in the Brazilian economy - the neodevelopmentalist offensive - both bankers as industrial submitted ratings and positions fairly critical of the economic model of government. Thus, the period analyzed here would have been marked by political tension of relations between industrial and financial business community with the federal government. / Esta dissertação tem como tema a relação das elites empresariais do setor financeiro e da indústria com a política econômica de Estado no Brasil contemporâneo. Nosso objeto de pesquisa é, em termos precisos, o discurso da Federação das Indústrias do Estado de São Paulo (FIESP) e dos banqueiros frente à política econômica do governo Dilma Rousseff (PT), no período 2011-2014. Nossas fontes de acesso ao objeto são i) artigos, entrevistas e declarações escritas/concedidas por lideranças empresariais da indústria e das finanças, publicadas em órgãos da grande imprensa; ii) matérias e notícias (também provenientes da imprensa) sobre fatos que constituíram os contextos e as conjunturas políticas aqui analisadas; iii) notas públicas e documentos disponibilizados pela FIESP e pela Federação Brasileira dos Bancos (FEBRABAN). O objetivo deste trabalho é identificar, analisar, compreender e comparar os i) perfis ideológicos e ii) os posicionamentos políticos - relativos à política econômica dilmista -, que podem ser depreendidos das produções discursivas da FIESP e dos banqueiros. Nossa principal conclusão é que, mesmo apresentando perfis ideológicos, agendas e modos de comportamento público distintos entre si, depois de Dilma ter implantado no seu primeiro mandato presidencial uma matriz de política econômica que reforçava significativamente o papel de intervenção do Estado sobre a economia brasileira a ofensiva neodesenvolvimentista -, tanto banqueiros quanto industriais apresentaram avaliações e posições bastante críticas em relação ao modelo econômico do governo. Assim, o período aqui analisado teria sido marcado pelo tensionamento político das relações do empresariado industrial e financeiro com o governo federal.

The development of the capitalism, in Brazil and Chile, deeply was marked by the process of concentration of the income and the wealth. With the evolution of this social system diverse theories they had been appearing aiming at to explain the origins and causes of this phenomenon. Between these theories, the marxist and the estruturalist present more adequate arguments to understand the economic and social formation of these countries, as well as the current distributive situation. The objective of the research is to discourse on the main impacts of the economic policies on the distribution of the income in both the countries. One searchs for intermediary of a bibliographical revision and analysis statistics of the main economic and social pointers to understand this process since respective regimes military. In Brazil of 1960 the 1990, a constant rise in the income concentration was observed and, from 1990, with the adoption of neoliberal politics, this conjuncture did not it if modified. Thus being, it was verified that as much in periods of height in the economic growth how much in periods of economic contraction the phenomenon of the income concentration was always present in the Brazilian society. The Chilean experience is a little different, therefore this country between 1970/1973 it lived deeply a period of great social transformations, with significant improvements in the distribution of the income, this process was ephemeral, since in 1973 the military blow occurs, this regimen is extended up to 1989 provoking significant alterations in the economic and social structure of the country, of which intensified the process of concentration of the income. From 1990, Chile adopted democracy again, thus the governmental authorities comes back to be worried about the social matters. However the structure of the distribution of the income did not present alterations. Equally, one evidenced that the implemented economic policies had had fort influence in the distribution of the income, special orthodox and the neoliberal ones that had aggravated the distributive situation still more. / O desenvolvimento do capitalismo, no Brasil e no Chile, foi profundamente marcado pelo processo de concentração da renda e da riqueza. Com a evolução desse sistema social foram surgindo diversas teorias, visando explicar as origens e causas desse fenômeno. Entre essas teorias a marxista e a estruturalista apresentam argumentações mais adequadas para compreender a formação econômica e social desses países, bem como a atual situação distributiva. O objetivo da pesquisa é discorrer sobre os principais impactos das políticas econômicas sobre a distribuição da renda em ambos os países. Busca-se por intermédio de uma revisão bibliográfica e análise estatística dos principais indicadores econômicos e sociais compreender esse processo, desde os respectivos regimes militares. No Brasil, de 1960 a 1990, observou-se uma constante elevação na concentração de renda e, a partir de 1990, com a adoção de políticas neoliberais, esse quadro não se alterou. Assim sendo, verificou-se que, tanto em períodos de auge no crescimento econômico quanto em períodos de recessão econômica, o fenômeno da concentração de renda esteve sempre presente na sociedade brasileira. A experiência chilena é um pouco diferente, pois esse país, entre 1970/1973, vivenciou um período de grandes transformações sociais, com melhoras significativas na distribuição da renda. Este processo foi efêmero, visto que em 1973 ocorreu o golpe militar. O referido regime estendeu-se até 1989, provocando significativas alterações na estrutura econômica e social do país, do qual intensificou o processo de concentração da renda. A partir de 1990 o Chile adotou novamente a democracia. Assim, as autoridades governamentais voltaram a preocupar-se com as questões sociais. Entretanto, a estrutura da distribuição da renda não apresentou alterações. Igualmente, constatou-se que as políticas econômicas implementadas tiveram forte influência na distribuição da renda, em especial as ortodoxas e neoliberais, que agravaram ainda mais a situação distributiva.

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This thesis focuses mainly on transformation policy of the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM) and the Czechoslovak People's Party (ČSL) between 1990 and 1992, in the times of ongoing public discussions on Czechoslovakia abandoning the socialist command economy. It sums up the political development of both parties (focusing on changes in their ideology) and then concentrates on the way each of them attempted to form its own project of economic transformation. These alternative projects are analyzed through the underlying ideological concepts that reflect the values with which both parties associated the transformation process. For each of these concepts, the political and ideological struggles between party's fractions that affected its final form are examined. This method is loosely inspired by the so-called conceptual history (Begriffsgeschichte), as it was used in Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe (written by Reinhart Koselleck et al.), while paying attention to certain limitations of applicability of this approach in the field of contemporary history. The thesis is based on analyses of the parties' political texts, of both public and internal character, and of various other archive materials. The political texts and programmes are regarded as a space in which the ideas compete wtih each...

D.Litt et Phil. / The departure point of this research is that the emergence of a system of intergovernmental relations will have direct and profound implications for the development of the country as a whole, as well as providing an additional dimension to the understanding of the approach to development in South Africa. A sound academic understanding of the nature of development in this country will therefore have no choice but to take into account the structures and processes which the major role-player (government) makes use of to facilitate and implement development ...

Magister Legum - LLM / The impact of trade policies on the pursuit of gender equality is often ignored. Recognising the link between trade and gender, this dissertation aims to enhance the capacity of policy-makers to mainstream gender in trade policy and to help identify ways for using trade to respond to women's needs in South Africa. In order to meet this objective, it analyses the impacts that trade liberalisation has had on the economy and on gender in general and in South Africa in particular. In addition, it evaluates the impacts on men and women in order to see if trade has contributed to reducing, accentuating or perpetuating gender inequality in South Africa. Findings have confirmed that Trade liberalisation has had both positive and negative impacts on women and men. But, they have also demonstrated that trade liberalisation has affected women and men differently having negative influences on the pursuit of gender equality. The research has, however, concluded that the impact of trade liberalisation on the pursuit of gender equality is influenced by other key factors. As strategy to mainstream gender in trade policies, the research suggests that policy-makers should analyse the implications for women and men of any trade policy before adopting such policy. This analysis would help him/her to see the possible imbalances of the new policy and implement policies and programmes to eradicate them. Also, it will help him/her to identify possible ways for using trade to empower women. The research is based on the idea that the elimination of the existing inequalities will put women at the same stage with men and will, therefore, contribute to women's empowerment in South Africa. / South Africa

This study examines the origin, the manifestation and impact of the direct taxation of Africans in Kenya. While the state had several reasons for imposing taxation on Africans, the basic factor weighed on the need for a definitive source of revenue. For most of the colonial period, this aggregated to about 37½ percent of the total revenues. The thesis shows how taxes were collected from Africans, how this led to participation in the cash economy and how they continually resisted and evaded such taxation. Tax collection was synonymous with colonialism and this was manifested through the central role of chiefs, who used taxes and force to coerce Africans into migrant wage labour. Through taxation policies, legislation and African resourcefulness, migrant wage labour served the needs of a colonial capitalist settler economy. In this way, the colonial state revealed its capacity for dominance, power and exploitation. Evidence has been adduced to show that African taxation was an important factor in Kenya’s administrative, political and economic development. The policy of African taxation, land loss and poor working conditions are remembered as having interfered with African mechanisms for accumulating wealth. One of the main objections of the payment of taxes was the manner of its collection. Those unable to pay were imprisoned or detained while many took to instant flight at the sight of the tax collector. The thesis shows that in spite of all these harsh tax collection methods, peasants remained largely resilient and industrious. The Mau Mau movement was the culmination of various peasant grievances in which the colonial state used steep taxation as a counter-insurgency measure. Kenya’s independence in 1963, however, never altered the predatory nature of the state. Subtle, opportunistic and overt ways continued to be used to extract taxes from the peasants and the working class. It was not until 1973 that the much-hated colonial poll tax that had been renamed as graduated poll tax was abolished and replaced by indirect taxation. Finally, taxation like other colonial legacies has endured and has become one of the most important sources of revenue for the government to manage its fiscal policies.

Supply Chain Management is an aspect of the procurement process which focuses on addressing the needs of both the service provider and the end user. It has a constitutional status which enables it to contribute towards addressing past discriminatory practices. It assists in correcting the imbalances of the past in the procurement of goods and services for government. Section 217(1) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (Act 108 of 1996) specifies that procurement must be fair, equitable, transparent, competitive and cost effective. Accountability is the most critical element in improving financial management in the public sector. The objective of the study was to highlight the need for accountability in Public Finance Management. Additionally, it was intended to assess the respective roles of the various processes involved in the acquisition of goods and services with the goal of enhancing accountability in the Eastern Cape Department of Safety and Liaison in Bhisho. The study was conducted at the Head Office of the Supply Chain Management Section and the district offices with officials who are responsible for the procurement of goods and services. In order to achieve the objectives of the research, a survey was conducted using the qualitative method to ensure greater understanding and reliability. Convenience sampling was applied as it allowed the researcher to select the sample that was convenient. Moreover, it made it easier to reach the available participants. Data was gathered by means of face-to-face interviews for the Head Office respondents and telephonic interviews for the respondents of the district offices. The study concluded with recommendations emanating from the research findings that are meant to assist in improving accountability in Supply Chain Management within the Eastern Cape Department of Safety and Liaison.

This research examines the relationship between business, the state and society in South Africa -- particularly the Western Cape -- over the period from 1960 to 1990, viewed against the background of economic conditions in this region, South Africa and the world. Utilising a development history approach, it is based on an extensive study of primary and secondary documentation, supplemented by a panel of in-depth interviews and observation. This study finds that the relationship between business and apartheid incorporated both functional and dysfunctional elements, although over time the benefits diminished and the costs multiplied. The latter, Regulation Theory suggests, is true for any institutional order, but it could be argued that, under apartheid, the particularly fragile and contradictory nature of the institutional arrangement made inevitable crises more rapid and more pronounced. On the one hand, apartheid restricted the economic development of the country, as a result of a range of factors from skills shortages to the visible waste of resources on grand ideological projects and security; as suggested by Resource Curse Theory, minerals windfalls tend to encourage irresponsible behaviour by governments. On the other hand, certain businesses prospered, notably the Afrikaner business sector. All business benefited from the overall growth of the 1950s and 1960s, whilst niche players often did quite well even during the 1980s. Further, the South African businessmen, both English- and Afrikaans-speaking, were skilful in adapting to the difficult conditions brought about by apartheid, and in many cases they prospered. As highlighted by Business Systems Theory, embedded social ties and informal relations may help either support or compensate for formal regulatory pressures. Many of these general trends were particularly accentuated in the Western Cape. The fact that business protests against government policies were often more motivated by concerns as to future property rights and of social disorder, rather than human rights, does indeed raise serious moral issues. However, in helping encourage political reform, they may have made a positive contribution. This study is founded on three related strands of thinking within the political economy tradition, Resource Curse Theory, Regulation Theory and Business Systems Theory, with the emerging common ground between these three bodies of thought being highlighted. As suggested by Resource Curse Theory, non-mineral producing regions tend to be particularly adversely affected in mineral rich countries, and there is little doubt that the region bore all the costs of the collapse of the gold price in the 1980s, and lacked the deeper capital base of the now Gauteng region to cushion the shock. Whilst apartheid may, as we have seen, have served conservative sectors of agriculture and mining quite well for many years, it also involved large costs incurred through social engineering experiments and the increasing demands of the security establishment. Resource Curse Theory suggests that national economies become dangerously dependent on the vagaries of commodities markets, and that the process of institutional design and evolution is hampered by assumptions of easy money which may temporary resolve the negative consequences of any institutional shortcomings. The poor price of gold in much of the 1980s brought about a crisis in the system, and, there is little doubt that this contributed to the demise of the order. As suggested by Resource Curse Theory, the experience of the Western Cape, a region of the country poor in minerals, was often one of inefficient and wasteful state intervention, coupled with increasingly poor performance of non-mineral related industries. Indeed, the effects of the recession of the 1980s were most pronounced in non-mineral producing areas of the country, particularly in the Western Cape. Regulation Theory highlights that no set of institutions and practices is ever totally coherent and functional, but at specific times may work to promote both certain types of economic activity and overall growth. It is wrong to suggest that because an order only works for some players at specific times it is simply dysfunctional or does not work properly at all. However, over time, internal contradictions mount and the benefits diminish. A particular feature of the apartheid order was that some of its core benefits at its height were particularly concentrated on some players (segments of Afrikaner commerce and industry, mining and agriculture), whilst the costs were shared across a wider range of players, with a disproportionate burden being borne by the black majority. A further feature was that the costs were often indirect and spread over many years if the benefits were sometimes immediate: this would include the persistent dysfunctionality of much of the South African education system and the criminal ecosystem that was nurtured through sanctions busting. Internal contradictions and spreading dysfunctionality rarely leads to a conscious and coherent period of institutional redesign, but rather an incoherent, experimental and contested process, such as characterized late apartheid reforms, and, indeed, the post February-1990 negotiation process. Finally, again at a theoretical level, as Business Systems Theory highlights, it is important to take account of the formal and informal ties interlinking firms in different sectors in the region, and firms and government, and the extent to which regions within a particular country may follow very distinct developmental trajectories. The benefits and the costs of the system diffused unevenly in the region, giving many players both a stake in the existing order, and an interest in some or other type of reform.

South Africa achieved its formal democracy through a negotiated settlement in 1994. Formal democracy focuses on liberty, rights and basic freedom such as freedom of speech, and the right to vote, amongst others, while substantive democracy focuses on equality, social justice, and the area of economic rights with a focus on reduction of poverty, unemployment and increased equality. It is within the substantive democratisation theoretical framework, that South Africa’s democratic achievement has not necessarily been as great as its political achievements in constructing a constitutional democracy. This is evident in the continued patterns of racialised inequality and poverty, as well as the increase in service delivery protest action, which can destabilise the democratic success achieved in 1994. The objective of economic development is to create an environment where people can enjoy economic stability, job security and health, and lead productive lives, on one hand. On the other hand, political development seeks to create an environment where people can enjoy peace, rule of law and freedom. Politics and economics therefore go hand in hand to attain wealth benefits for people and create a sufficient level of political stability within a transitioning context. South Africa has made some strides towards getting political stability and a democratic state, but much still needs to be done to reduce poverty, unemployment and inequality. Hence an argument stressing the need for a Second Transition or Economic CODESA has recently entered the sphere of political public debate. This project seeks to deconstruct and explain the discourse of the Second Transition and Economic CODESA. The studies found that centre to this debate are key redistributive issues. Poverty, inequality and unemployment are key substantive challenges that have the potential to undermine political stability if they are not effectively dealt with.