No description available.

This study is a contribution to the on-going debate about the path that Africa has taken in realising the vision of its renewal. The central theme of the study is the idea of Africa's 'new partnership' with the industrialised North, which is envisaged under the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). Acknowledging that asymmetrical partnerships have existed between Africa and the North, particularly in the last century, the question this study poses is: to what extent does the idea of the 'new partnership' represent something new? The study argues two points. Firstly, it argues that the idea of the new partnership has become a terrain of contestation between the Africanist and the post-modernist social forces. Secondly, the study argues that it is unlikely that conceptualising the idea of the new partnership in post-modernist terms will result in sustainable development and rebirth of Africa. That is particularly the case, because post-modernity suggests a certain degree of loyalty to the prevailing and asymmetrical global order. Against this background, the study concludes that the extent to which Africa will enjoy the benefits of a truly revised partnership with the North, and thus fulfil the vision of its rebirth, will be determined, by and large, by the modalities of accommodation and struggle between these social forces.

There has been a long search for the keys to development and economic growth in Africa. This study investigates the relationship between FDI and economic growth over the period 2000-2012 using data from 48 African countries. On the aggregate regional level FDI and economic growth were found to be positively correlated during this period. Using panel data econometric techniques and the Panel Granger Causality test, results revealed that a bi-directional causality relationship existed between FDI and GDP. Thus, the results suggest that GDP is a requirement for increased investment, and at the same time is the result of increased foreign investment. Thus, the conclusion is that African policy makers are justified in increasing their attempts to create an attractive business environment for foreign investors, as it is beneficial for economic growth.

PhD (African Studies) / Centre for African Studies / Abstract In the Horn of Africa, it is often presumed that the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) provides an institutional framework for regional integration. IGAD was established in 1986 and its member states include, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan and Uganda. However, the organisation continues to have many set-backs in its quest for an integrated Horn of Africa. Therefore, this study probed the challenges of regional integration in the Horn of Africa. The study closely examined the regional integration efforts of IGAD and its role and aggregate performance in the sub-region’s search for alternative strategies for sustainable socio- economic development and self-reliance through regional integration. The aim of the study was to investigate mechanisms that might contribute towards the socio-economic growth of IGAD member states. This study adopted a qualitative research approach in the collection of data. The research established the following: That member states of IGAD are not trusting each other and most of them compete over who is more powerful than the other. This competition continues to worsen the already slow integration process. Terrorism in this part of the world continues to hamper progress. In most instances, this phenomenon is tackled harshly, thus leading to more terroristic activities. Participants are of the opinion that this scourge needs a counter ideological stance where people can be educated about

Foreign aid aims to improve economic conditions and quality of life in developing countries. The literature on the efficacy of foreign aid to date has been inconclusive; yet there is some evidence that institutional factors may condition the relationship between aid and development. This research focuses on the effects of foreign aid on development, taking into consideration the effects of political institutional factors as intervening in the connection between aid and development. Specifically, this study considers the effects of democracy (political rights and civil liberties) and level of corruption on the relationship between aid and development in sub-Saharan Africa. Development is determined by the Human Development Index, which takes into account gross national income, life expectancy, and education level. My findings indicate that aid is ineffective at promoting development in sub-Saharan Africa. Additionally, it is found that democracy, as determined by level of political freedom, is positively associated to development in aid recipient countries. HIV prevalence rate, the location of the country relative to the coastline, and percent of arable land were found to be significant factors affecting development. The level of corruption and political stability do not have a significant effect on development. The study is conducted using a cross-national, longitudinal, statistical model. The impact of foreign aid on development is examined for 45 countries over a fourteen-year period, from 1995 to 2009. The results of the study show that foreign aid has a negative effect on development, yet development is affected by level of democracy, geographical location, percent of arable land, and HIV prevalence rate. Development is higher in countries located on the coastline, with a higher percentage of arable land, a higher level of democracy, and a higher rate of HIV.

The MOZAL aluminium smelter in Maputo is the largest-ever foreign direct investment in Mozambique. South Africa&rsquo / s state-owned Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) owns 24% shares in MOZAL and the Development Bank of South Africa (DBSA) and Eskom provided road and power supply infrastructure to ensure the success of the smelter. BHP Billiton is the majority shareholder, the other being Mitsubishi. MOZAL is the flagship of South Africa&rsquo / s foreign policy for regional integration in southern Africa and economic reconstruction in Mozambique: a practical manifestation of the African Renaissance. This thesis is a case study of MOZAL as an example of cross-border industrial development and its implications for development in Mozambique. Using an eclectic multidisciplinary Critical Global Political Economy (critical GPE) theoretical framework, a survey of relevant literature and a series of selected open interviews, it examines how development based on the assumptions of industrialisation and neo-modernisation espoused by the governments and private sector champions of MOZAL impact on class, gender, environmental and social justice in Mozambique. The research identifies the socio-economic development dimensions of MOZAL for Mozambique and how the cost and benefits are distributed among the various social groups and actors directly and/or indirectly involved with the MOZAL aluminium smelter. The main findings are that MOZAL as a private sector FDI project is a qualified success. On the positive side, it contributes to economic growth. However, the benefits to Mozambique are exaggerated and are not broadly distributed. On the negative side, it contributes to increasing the economic dependence of Mozambique on the South African economy. Instead of narrowing the development gap, the smelter has contributed to increased differentiation between companies in South Africa and Mozambique and, within Mozambique, between the Northern and Southern regions, as well as among MOZAL employees and the majority of the population in Maputo. The implications are that the development benefits from foreign direct investment cross-border industrial development projects may, at least in the short-term, lead to uneven regional integration and development enjoyed by a few.

The MOZAL aluminium smelter in Maputo is the largest-ever foreign direct investment in Mozambique. South Africa&rsquo / s state-owned Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) owns 24% shares in MOZAL and the Development Bank of South Africa (DBSA) and Eskom provided road and power supply infrastructure to ensure the success of the smelter. BHP Billiton is the majority shareholder, the other being Mitsubishi. MOZAL is the flagship of South Africa&rsquo / s foreign policy for regional integration in southern Africa and economic reconstruction in Mozambique: a practical manifestation of the African Renaissance. This thesis is a case study of MOZAL as an example of cross-border industrial development and its implications for development in Mozambique. Using an eclectic multidisciplinary Critical Global Political Economy (critical GPE) theoretical framework, a survey of relevant literature and a series of selected open interviews, it examines how development based on the assumptions of industrialisation and neo-modernisation espoused by the governments and private sector champions of MOZAL impact on class, gender, environmental and social justice in Mozambique. The research identifies the socio-economic development dimensions of MOZAL for Mozambique and how the cost and benefits are distributed among the various social groups and actors directly and/or indirectly involved with the MOZAL aluminium smelter. The main findings are that MOZAL as a private sector FDI project is a qualified success. On the positive side, it contributes to economic growth. However, the benefits to Mozambique are exaggerated and are not broadly distributed. On the negative side, it contributes to increasing the economic dependence of Mozambique on the South African economy. Instead of narrowing the development gap, the smelter has contributed to increased differentiation between companies in South Africa and Mozambique and, within Mozambique, between the Northern and Southern regions, as well as among MOZAL employees and the majority of the population in Maputo. The implications are that the development benefits from foreign direct investment cross-border industrial development projects may, at least in the short-term, lead to uneven regional integration and development enjoyed by a few.

To date the SADC region has managed to develop a manufacturing base but this base is still small as evidenced by its low contribution to GDP. For example, only three out of the fourteen SADC countries, viz. Mauritius, South Africa and Swaziland, had over 20 percent of their GDP originating from the manufacturing sector throughout the 1990s. Also to note is that while the manufacturing sector is quite diversified, the sector is dominated by industrial processes which are more of resource and labour-intensive in nature than those processes of scale-intensive, differentiated and science based in nature. TIle trade performance of the manufacturing sector supports these observations and as such the region is heavily dependent on imports for scale-intensive, differentiated and science based commodities. However, despite the fact that the region tends to focus more on resource- and labour-intensive manufacturing activities, products from these manufacturing activities are still significant components of manufactured goods imports into the region. Also to note is that since resource- and labour-intensive industries dominate manufacturing activities; these are the areas in which investment opportunities abound. For example, agro-based manufacturing presents most of the investment opportunities, with food processing presenting the majority of the investment opportunities followed by garments and textiles production. Mineral processing also presents significant investment opportunities. The analyses of the nature of the manufacturing sector also show that in a few SADC countries, viz. Mauritius, South Africa and Zimbabwe; scale-intensive, differentiated and science based industries also form a significant component of the industrial base implying more technologically complex manufacturing sectors. Since high technology and technologically complex manufacturing activities are limited, investment opportunities in these manufacturing sub-sectors are also limited to just a few countries However, with the SADC ITA in place, opportunities could arise for these limited technology-related manufacturing facilities to expand or engage in import substitution production so as to meet the demands of the growing regional market. It is also important to note that, while the region may not have as competitive advantage in these industries as in the resource- and labour-intensive industries, there is a need for the region to selectively identify and target such industries for priority development, a lesson SADC could learn from the East Asian NIC's took in their industrialisation strategy. The study also shows that the manufacturing sector has been a priority sector for both domestic and foreign investors. This has implications for industrial development because a strong and dynamic manufacturing sector would be developed, forming a sound basis for industrialisation as well as being able to effectively link and support all the other sectors of the economy. FDI could help the region to fully utilise the labour-intensive industries and use them as a stepping-stone to higher levels of industrial development. This is a lesson to SADC from the experiences of the East Asian NICs where while industrialisation was initiated by labour-intensive manufacturing, the countries were able to move into capital-intensive manufacturing due to FDI as it enabled the establishment of the industrial bases, thus leading to a rise in the share of manufactured exports. FDI could also help to develop the resource-intensive industries further by promoting further processing of raw materials into products of more value, thus propelling industrialisation through a resource-led industrial development programme as the current resource-intensive industries become fully utilised. The raw materials which occur in great abundance in the region's primary sector would have a ready market in the manufacturing sector where they would serve as inputs to the production of high value products. The currently smaller industrial base for scale-intensive products, differentiated and science-based manufactured products would benefit from the improved technological capabilities and managerial skills that result from FDI. Therefore, by impacting positively on manufacturing activities of both low and high MVA, FDI would thus have a facilitating role in establishing a more solid industrial base, broadening the current manufacturing base, and improving installed capacity utilisation. The study also shows that investment in productive capacity in the form of machinery and equipment is of great importance in the sampled SADC countries. Investment towards the acquisition of this capital is very important as this is directly relevant towards improving productive capacity. FDI could thus play a facilitating role by augmenting the current domestic investment in machinery and equipment. While the manufacturing sector within the region is still small and the current utilisation of installed industrial capacity is low, there is potential for further industrial growth. The current process to usher in the SADC Free Trade Area would have a facilitating role through various ways: viz. increasing the market size and enabling easier access through the reduction of tariff and non-tariff barriers, promoting regional competitiveness, improved utilisation of regional corridors, increasing opportunities for utilising identified intra-industry trade potentials, and providing opportunities for increased regional cross-border investment. Apart from the SADC FTA, the USA African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) and the Cotonou Agreement will also motivate the identification and utilisation of existing and new potentials within the manufacturing sector in SADC. In order to improve the current nature of industries in the region, there is also a need to design and implement appropriate industrial policies and strategies. Such policies should consider the region's trade policies and the recently launched Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan (RISDP) so as to complement them. The industrial policies should also address issues relating to industrial investment, technology and local technological capabilities development, human resources development, the structure and nature of industry, the competitiveness of industries, as well as facilitating the complementarities between the agricultural and manufacturing sectors. To this end therefore, instead of relying solely on individual national industrial policies, SADC is in the process of formulating a regional industrial policy and strategies which seek to promote and support sustainable industrial growth across the region, thus facilitating industrial development.

This study examines the prominence of the term governance and its use in multilateral organisations, in particular the New Partnership for African Development. It argues that the term governance is contentious and needs to be reviewed. This is in light of the elevation of governance as a requisite for development, which has come about through the development of NEPAD. This is primarily a study on the position of the state in multilateral regimes and how governance will affect the state and non-state actors. The politics in and around governance are therefore important in any assessment of African development as governance becomes a developmental necessity. The African Rennaisance and African Union have become ‘beacons of hope’ for Africa and these have been discussed here. We can see NEPAD as a historical development that fits into the African Renaissance. This has been a mechanism to ensure state survival and the states that drive NEPAD have played a significant role in providing legitimacy to Africa’s calls for development. This thesis attempts to explain the shift in developmental policy in that NEPAD has seemingly become the first African development strategy that has the support of the West. Through this thesis, we will examine the role that the Post Washington consensus has played in getting this phase of African development started. What becomes significant here is the way in which governance has been accepted as the gauge for support in development. This study therefore aims to offer a means by which to analyse governance in multilateral organisations. As the term is contentious, three paradigms on governance will be provided in order to refine governance in such a way that it can be applied in analysis. This thesis shows that governance can be refined into corporatist, prebendal and conciliar forms. The form of governance that NEPAD will take has implications for the type of reconfiguration of the state brought about by governance.

MCom (Economics) / Department of Economics / The need to realise steady economic growth, measured in this research by Gross Domestic Product (GDP), has ignited a plethora of studies about the contributors of economic growth and their optimal levels. Government expenditure is one contributor to economic growth. From a theoretical standpoint, optimal government size is depicted by an inverted U-curve known as the Armey curve which is hypothesised between the relationship of government size and economic growth. Empirical literature provides evidence that optimal government size is between 20-30 percent a share of GDP. However, little has been done to investigate the optimal level of isolated components of government spending that maximizes economic growth. One component of government spending that has gained limelight over the past decade is that of social assistance. Defined as public expenditure spent as cash and food transfers to the poor, this research uses social assistance expenditure to assess its optimal level that maximizes growth. This is important because some policymakers are concerned about the ballooning budgets directed at social assistance, and argue that the scarce resources need to be transferred to other social services sectors such as health and education. Basing on the panel-data accessed from the World Bank, this research uses the quadratic equation model to determine the optimal level of social assistance for African and Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) countries covering the period 2009-15. The finding is that the optimal level of social assistance spending for African and OECD countries is 3.2 percent of GDP and 29.4 percent of GDP respectively. The study also finds that both African and OECD countries operate below the optimal levels and it is suggested that they need to increase social assistance spending in order to realize positive contributions to economic growth. / NRF