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The thesis explores how the theory of Securitization, defined by Buzan, Wæver and de Wildes, can be applied to the discourse related to CCTVs in the subway of Stockholm. It analyses 20 articles from the major Swedish newspaper Svenska Dagbladet from 1995 to 2015. Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis is used as main methodology, scrutinizing the texts from a discourse practical perspective, text perspective, and sociopolitical perspective.   The main finding from the thesis is that the theory of Securitization needs to be enhanced with a “Politically Non-controversial” dimension and a “Politically Controversial” dimension, extending the previous “Political” Securitization dimension. With that updated Securitization definition, the discourse of the articles in the thesis follows the model of Securitization. Thus, the CCTV discourse regarding the subway of Stockholm has from 1995 to 2015 transformed from politically non-controversial, to politically controversial and finally securitized.

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Includes bibliographical references. / Canning workers were organised into the Food and Canning workers Union in large numbers when the union grew along with the growth of the South African canning industry, stimulated by the demand for canned goods during World War II. Formed in 1941, by Ray Alexander, a member of the Communist Party, the union spread into the small canning towns to become established with a base in the fruit canning districts of the Western Cape, Eastern Cape and in the West coast fish canning industry. As a consequence of developing within a geographically dispersed and seasonal industry, the union assumed a particular organisational form, promoting the autonomy of branches and seasonal fluctuations in union strength. The Food and Canning Workers Union was a non-racial and militant union that brought tremendous improvements in wages, working and living conditions to the workers who joined its ranks and participated in the struggles it led. The union also played a major role in the affairs of the labour movement and participated in political campaigns that occurred in the 1940s and 1950s. Through a relationship to the Communist Party in the 1940s, to the South African Congress of Trade Unions during the mid-1950s to early 1960s, the Food and Canning Workers Union reveals an approach to politics that gave priority to the economic position of its members and also sought to contribute to broader political campaigns. This dissertation provides a critical history of the union from its inception in 1941 to 1975. The primary material that it is based upon are the records of the Food and Canning Workers Union and oral interviews.

One of the more speculative tasks of this book is to assess what impact those gangs are likely to have on the changes urban South Africa will undergo in the last two decades of the 20th Century, be it peaceful, reactionary or revolutionary. A rather more immediate task, and a necessary precursor, is to explore the functions of these gangs and the causes of their existence. But this immediately leads us into wider and deeper areas, to poverty, social dislocation and strategies of class defence. And within and beyond these conditions can be found an ongoing struggle for survival, a class struggle, and the outline of the state itself. (It is here that one encounters a strange paradox: a system which upholds law and order while at the same time creating the preconditions for its breakdown.) But we must start with the street gangs. A count in 30 areas on the Cape Flats during 1982 found in daily existence 280 groups who identified themselves as gangs. Nearly 80 per cent of the gang members interviewed for this study said their group was more than 100 strong, 54 per cent put the figure at 200 and several as high as 2000. An extremely rough estimate gives a figure of 50,000 youths who would define themselves as gang members, or about five per cent of the city's total population.

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