M.Comm. / The purpose of the dissertation was to determine the appropriateness of forming a monetary union with a common currency within SACU. SACU embodies five neighbouring countries, who are situated in the Southern region of Africa. These countries include: South Africa, Botswana, Namibia, Swaziland and Lesotho. The benefits and costs that might accrue to the SACU region with the formation of a monetary union were highlighted in the study. Past experiences of European and African monetary unions have shown that countries who participate in a monetary union were able to pursue credible and disciplined monetary policies. Fiscal and monetary variables determined how appropriate it is to form a monetary union within SACU. The study analysed the level of convergence of fiscal variables and the comovement of monetary variables using statistical analysis and graphical representations. The analysis was essential in assessing the readiness of the SACU states for the eventual formation of a monetary union. Since countries such as Lesotho, Swaziland and Namibia are small in terms of their respective populations, sizes of their economies, per capita income in comparison to their neighbours such as South Africa and Botswana, the study highlights the fact that regional monetary integration is a useful way of increasing their economic influence and participation in an increasingly globalised world. The study concludes that the formation of a monetary union with a common currency within SACU is feasible and provides some ideas for further studies.

D.Comm. / The objective of this dissertation is to examine the Southern African Development Community (SADC) as the logical outflow of market forces compelling regions or groups of states to increase the dynamics of their economies by removing all barriers and obstacles to the free flow of goods and services between them in accordance with what has been happening elsewhere in the world. The concept of regional economic integration has come strongly forward since the early fifties in many areas of the world. Regional economic integration can be described as a process by which countries work together for the mutual benefit of all. The exchange of information and ideas may lead to better institutional liaison and capacities, more coordinated policy formulation and more rapid economic growth. Regional economic integration can take many forms. Regional economic blocs may be classified into five categories, namely: preferential trading arrangements, in which regional partners enjoy more favourable trading conditions, including lower tariffs, than other countries; free trade areas, entailing the abolition of tariffs and other barriers to trade in goods and services between participating countries; customs unions, which entail establishing free trade areas, common external tariffs and the formation of commercial policies towards third countries; common markets or economic communities, which permit the free movement not only of goods and services but also of capital and labour between participating countries; and economic unions, entailing full coordination of regulatory, fiscal, monetary and exchange rate policies within the confines of a common market. Economic integration may ultimately, as in the European Union, culminate in a monetary union, providing for a common currency.

M.Comm. / Since the late 1980's / early 1990's Southern Africa has undergone radical political change. Political democratisation and liberalisation impacted on the economies of individual states as well as on economic relations between states in the region. The democratisation process in South Africa in particular, changed the economic power configurations of the region. South Africa opted to become a member of the SADC in 1994 after its first "representative" elections. The country was initially confronted by unrealistic expectations among the other members in the region regarding the contribution that they expected to emanate from this move. South Africa on the other hand was confronted with the realities of its own reconstruction and development needs. The question that had to be answered however, is how economic integration could contribute to the growth and development of the Southern African region. Of particular interest is the role that external forces could/would have on the integration process. This is the central theme of this document.

The aim of this thesis is to study complex nature of the Azerbaijani Foreign policy and to analyze relations of Azerbaijan with other countries in regional and global context in order to determine which countries are more prioritized. The author concluded that the balanced Foreign policy is no longer pursued and its orientation is now changed towards West. The study had also determined the reasons behind the Western orientation. Thesis concluded that Azerbaijan pursues economic integration with the West as well as sustains political dominance in the South Caucasus region.

In June 2010 China and Taiwan finished negotiations on Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement. Work's focus is on the political impact of this economic agreement. After analyzing the main actars and factors influencing the development of corss-strait relations, author describes the negotiations and possible implications of the agreement.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, School of Law, 2017 / This thesis attempts to identify the rationale for migration rights within the EAC (East African Community) in relation to the Community's political objectives.The main argument propounded is that migration rights, though they have developed from a purely economic rationale and perspective, have since morphed into an entorely novel regime which emphases the human or fundamental rights of citizens of the Community. [Abbreviated abstract. Taken from print version of thesis] / GR2018

A partir de la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la notion d'intégration économique acquiert une dimension grandissante dans les relations internationales. Ces dernières, élaborent leurs doctrines et leurs pratiques en rapport avec des États engagés de plus en plus profondément dans la voie du régionalisme. Cet intérêt pour l'intégration économique s'est traduit, dans les pays en développement de l'Amérique Latine, par une quête de progrès en faveur des peuples. L'analyse des diverses expériences d'intégration révèle une histoire des aspirations et des efforts pour édifier une région plus unie, développée et bien positionnée sur la scène mondiale. Cependant, ces expériences dévoilent des différences entre les aspirations initiales et le bilan des résultats concrets. Devant des résultats mitigés, se pose la question du rôle joué par l'intégration économique dans l'amélioration du développement. Si le Mercosud ne s'est pas le seul exemple, il constitue un cas de figure parmi les pays de l'Amérique du Sud. L'étude montre que, la seule progression rapide des échanges commerciaux est loin d'être un facteur déterminant du développement. Désignant aussi bien un processus que le résultat lui-même, l'intégration demande une approche politique, économique, sociale et culturelle pour promouvoir des mesures complémentaires et des solidarités régionales. Pour que l'idéal d'intégration en tant qu'outil de développement ne soit pas dans une impasse complète, le nouveau scenario international impose aux États de repenser à la fois les contextes et les acteurs de leur intégration, ainsi que les mécanismes de coopération, à la lumière des nouvelles contraintes que pose le développement. / Since the end of the Second World War, economic integration has acquired a growing dimension in international relations, whose doctrines and practices where elaborated while dealing with States increasingly engaged in a process of regionalisation. This interest for economic integration in Latin America developing countries has been associated to the search for peoples' development. The analysis of the various integration experiences reveals a history of aspirations and efforts to build a more united and developed region, with a favourable position in the world context. However, such experiences reveal differences between initial aspirations and concrete outcomes. Because of such mitigated results, the question arises concerning the role played by economic integration for the improvement of development. If Mercosur is not the only case, it provides a significant example among South American countries. The study shows that the fast growth of commercial trade alone is far from being a determining factor for development. Being a process as well as its result, integration needs a political, economic, social and cultural approach in order to foster complementary measures and regional solidarity. If they want to prevent the ideal of integration as an instrument of development from reaching a deadlock, considering the new constraint imposed by development challenges, the States need to rethink the context and actors of integration as well as cooperation mechanisms.

Economic and monetary integration efforts in West Africa over the past several decades have been highly problematic. However, with the recent commitment of the international community and key international institutions to assist Africa bring about economic advancement, such integration can be achieved. It is within this context of renewed optimism for Africa that this thesis aims to address the role of law and institutions in facilitating closer economic integration and eventual monetary union among the Anglophone states of West Africa This thesis proposes that legal infrastructure and institutions will help achieve and sustain the WAMZ monetary union. It argues for the development of appropriate infrastructural "pillars" for such a union, which would be brought about by comprehensive regional treaty provisions and structures in conjunction with complementary domestic legal and institutional reforms. It focuses specifically on the existence of adequate legal and institutional framework for the integration of the banking markets, central bank independence, and fiscal management in Member States. In assessing these issues, a comparative analysis is provided between the Monetary Union proposed by the Anglophone West African states (WAMZ) and those of the Francophone West African states (WAMU) and the European Union. Nigeria is used as a case study in assessing the state of preparedness of the Member States of this proposed Union, since it has the largest economy in the sub-region and is the main political driving force behind the project of integration. This thesis is divided into two parts comprising six chapters. Part one, consisting of three chapters, considers the legal and institutional requirements for economic integration. Chapter One presents the preliminary background by considering the relevant theories of economic integration and by assessing the benefits and possible drawbacks of such integration within the context of West Africa. Chapter Two provides a historical analysis of economic regional efforts in Anglophone West Africa. This assessment shows that failures of these efforts are attributed, in part, to inadequate legal and institutional arrangements at the regional level. Chapter Three considers the domestic legal and institutional requirements for effective participation in an economic integration arrangement and provides a case study on Nigeria. Chapters Four to Six constitute part two of the work and assess the legal and institutional framework for the proposed monetary union. This second part considers, specifically, whether Member States possess the legal and institutional requirements for the integration of their banking markets, for the preservation of central bank independence and for the effective conduct of fiscal management. By using international standards of best practices, these Chapters assess the adequacy of relevant institutions in Nigeria, which are necessary preconditions for supporting the proposed monetary union.

Thesis. 1976. Ph.D.--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Economics. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND DEWEY. / Vita. / Includes bibliographies. / Ph.D.

How much of the Arab Common Market provisions are actually implemented? And which member country benefits relatively more than the others from the Common Market arrangement? These are the two major questions that this research attempts to provide answers for. At present, the Arab Common Market is comprised of six member countries: Jordan, Syria, Iraq, Libya, Mauritania, and Democratic Yemen. Egypt was also a member until 1979 when its membership was suspended because of the Camp David Agreements. The first three are considered to be more advanced and were among the first to ratify the Common Market resolution as soon as it was passed in 1965. Accordingly, they are supposed to form a free trade area and are also supposed to be working on establishing a common external tariff against the outside world. Libya joined the Common Market in 1977. Mauritania and Democratic Yemen joined in 1980 and 1981 respectively. However, both were considered to be less advanced and were allowed to exclude a list of products from trade liberalization either to protect domestic industry or for revenue purposes. Goods not included in their exceptions lists were to be liberalized in a gradual process that will extend until 1988 for Mauritania and 1990 for Democratic Yemen. Currently, a free trade area is in operation for Jordan, Syria, and Iraq, at least as far as the removal of tariffs is concerned. However, some other non-tariff barriers are still practiced, such as licensing and foreign exchange allocations. Libya still excludes a number of items from trade liberalization with the objective of protecting domestic industry. Mauritania and Democratic Yemen joined the Common Market in 1980 and 1981; because they are considered to be less advanced, they still have until 1988 and 1990 respectively to implement the trade liberalization program. At present, both Iraq and Syria practice state trading and foreign trade planning. State trading could have a significant, positive or negative, impact on directing trade towards partner countries. It definitely weakens the causal relationship between market forces and trade flows, and subjects trade more to political factors. Because of the extensive use of state trading by Iraq and Syria, trade among member countries of the Arab Common Market fluctuates considerably, dropping when political relationships are tense to negligible amounts and increasing when friendly relationships dominate to an amount not justifiable by market forces alone. This was achieved without resorting to any of the traditional commercial policy tools. The second question regarding who benefits relatively more from the Arab Common Market was answered by looking at trade creation and trade diversion for each country and by looking at the volume of exports of each country to the other Common Market members and the degree of protection that those exports enjoy in their respective markets. Jordan experienced a high degree of trade creation; it has the largest volume of exports, and its exports enjoy the highest degree of protection in the Syrian and Iraqi markets. Based on these criteria, Jordan is assumed to benefit more from the Common Market arrangement. The research also identified other areas of research. Such areas include ex ante measurements of benefits for countries which are still reluctant to join the Common Market and an analysis of the impact of joint projects on the economies of the countries in which they are located and on other members. This is supposed to lead to a formula for allocating industries among member countries. One conclusion of this research is that a pure rational approach will be insufficient for analyzing the impacts of economic integration, and that a multiple perspectives approach is a must for such an analysis.