This thesis presents an analysis of Edmund Burke's place in intellectual history by examining his commentary on the French Revolution as well as his role in the Enlightenment itself. In doing so, it brings to bear the previously unexplored ideas of the twentieth-century historian Roy Porter. The thesis proposes that Burke's indictment of French philosophy as the cause of the French Revolution created enduring historiographic connotations between radicalism and the notion of enlightenment. Consequently, British thinkers of the eighteenth-century were invariably dismissed as conservative or reactionary and therefore unworthy to be regarded as enlightened figures. Porter's reconsideration of the British Enlightenment reveals Burke to be a staunch defender of hard-won enlightened values which British society had already long enjoyed.<p>The source material is, for the most part, primary. For Edmund Burke, his correspondence and his Reflections on the Revolution in France. For Roy Porter, his most relevant essays, journal articles and monographs.

I den här uppsatsen undersöker jag filosofen Edmund Burkes begrepp det sublima i förhållande till visualiseringen av kontroll och död i sju målningar som representerar scener från tjurfäktningar. Här står konstnärerna Arturo Michelena (1863-1898), Pablo Picasso (1881-1973), Porfirio Salinas (1910-1973) och Roberto Domingo y Fallola (1867-1956) för bildunderlaget. I undersökningens första analyskapitel belyser jag vikten av en tjurfäktares kontroll över tjuren och menar att denna kontroll är nödvändig för att det sublima överhuvudtaget ska kunna göra entré i arenan. Paradoxalt nog kräver det sublima även en rubbning av denna kontroll, vilket den otämjda tjuren bidrar till att förmedla. Den visuella sublimiteten uppstår först när kontrollen och icke-kontrollen balanseras, och visar sig vara starkt förknippad med den betraktarnatur den grundar sig på. I det andra analyskapitlet diskuterar jag representationen av död, vilken jag kopplar samman med motiv som framförallt visualiserar den skadade och döende hästen samt den vårdslösa och massiva tjuren. Här argumenterar jag för att hästens lidande är nödvändig för tjurfäktningens totalitet då den förstärker tjurfäktningens skådespel på liv och död. Mina bildanalyser baseras på semiotikens denotation och konnotation, och understöds av litteratur som behandlar tjurfäktningens estetiska och konstnärliga element i två utvalda tjurfäktningsteman, där mötet mellan tjurfäktare och tjur är det första, och målningar som porträtterar en tjur, en eller flera tjurfäktare samt en eller flera hästar det andra.

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This thesis examines the intellectual foundation of the London Corresponding Society’s (LCS) efforts to reform Britain's Parliamentary democracy in the 1790s. The LCS was a working population group fighting for universal male suffrage and annual parliaments in a decade that was wrought with internal social and governmental tension. Many Britons, especially the aristocracy and those in the government, feared the spread of ideas of republicanism and equality from revolutionary France and responded accordingly by oppressing the freedom of speech and association. At first glance, the LCS appears contradictory: it supported the hierarchical status quo but fought for the voice and representation of the people; and it believed that the foundation for rights was natural but also argued its demands for equal rights were drawn from Britain’s ancient unwritten constitution. This thesis contextualizes these ideas using a contemporary debate, the Burke-Paine controversy, as Edmund Burke was the epitome of eighteenth century conservative constitutionalism in Reflections on the Revolution in France while Thomas Paine’s Rights of Man represented a Lockean interpretation of natural rights and equality. Thus using Reflections and Rights of Man as a framework, this thesis demonstrates that the LCS thoroughly understood its demands for parliamentary reform and uniformly applied its interpretation of natural rights and equality to British constitutionalism and the social and governmental hierarchies.

Gothic literature has a tradition of dealing with dark subjects, themes and motifs, as well as depicting fear in different shapes and forms. Dani Cavallaro describes dark fiction in terms of the "aesthetic of the unwelcome". The philosopher Edmund Burke separates the beautiful from the sublime and writes that everything that is capable of producing a terror of pain and death is a source of the sublime. In her essay "On the Supernatural in Poetry", Ann Radcliffe draws a clear line between the concepts of terror and horror and distinguished them as fundamentally different. In this essay, I define the terms horror and terror by following up the research surrounding Radcliffes statement. I begin with the concept of terror that Burke and other writers define as an elevated and positive feeling, then move on to account for the discussion surrounding Matthew Lewis' novel The Monk. It was considered pornographic, lewd and outright dangerous in its obscenity with blatant depictions of violence, gore and sex. Since Radcliffe and Lewis were contemporary I reckon that it is profitable to explore this tension further in my essay. From Radcliffe and Lewis I find out how the concepts of terror and horror have developed with time and how modern theorists conceive this distinction.

This thesis examines the intellectual foundation of the London Corresponding Society’s (LCS) efforts to reform Britain's Parliamentary democracy in the 1790s. The LCS was a working population group fighting for universal male suffrage and annual parliaments in a decade that was wrought with internal social and governmental tension. Many Britons, especially the aristocracy and those in the government, feared the spread of ideas of republicanism and equality from revolutionary France and responded accordingly by oppressing the freedom of speech and association. At first glance, the LCS appears contradictory: it supported the hierarchical status quo but fought for the voice and representation of the people; and it believed that the foundation for rights was natural but also argued its demands for equal rights were drawn from Britain’s ancient unwritten constitution. This thesis contextualizes these ideas using a contemporary debate, the Burke-Paine controversy, as Edmund Burke was the epitome of eighteenth century conservative constitutionalism in Reflections on the Revolution in France while Thomas Paine’s Rights of Man represented a Lockean interpretation of natural rights and equality. Thus using Reflections and Rights of Man as a framework, this thesis demonstrates that the LCS thoroughly understood its demands for parliamentary reform and uniformly applied its interpretation of natural rights and equality to British constitutionalism and the social and governmental hierarchies.

Because the terms art and aesthetic are often ambiguously used, the purpose of this study was to develop a method of analyzing and clarifying their usage in written texts. Chapter I includes hypotheses and assumptions of this study. The first hypothesis was that it is possible to develop a systematic, objective, and replicable method of analyzing and clarifying the usage of art and aesthetic in art education texts. The second hypothesis is that, as a result of this analysis, it is possible to compare the usage of art and aesthetic in one text with the usage of these same terms in another. The two texts chosen as sources of data were Becoming Human Through Art by Edmund Burke Feldman and Emphasis; Art by Frank Wachowiak and Theodore Ramsey. The assumptions upon which this analysis was based are (a) that frequency of mention indicates author emphasis, and (b) that, based on analysis which indicates emphasis, summary definition of an author's teaching beliefs regarding art and aesthetic would be possible. Although both hypotheses are accepted, limitations of the method result from the subjectivity which existed in the selection of variables, the inference of contextual meaning which determined placement of variables in categories, and inference of emphasis based on resulting frequencies. Recommendations for further research are (a) examination of categories for appropriateness and inclusion of all relevant variables; (b) use of the method of contingency analysis to determine the usage of other ambiguous words and phrases; (c) use of variables associated with art and aesthetic as a thesaurus for future reference; and (d) application of the method to other literature in art education, transcribed interviews, and/or classroom instruction.

“Liminal Spaces and The Disabled Body” explores Edmund Burke’s aesthetic paradigms as established in his An Enquiry into the Origin of Our Notions of the Sublime and the Beautiful to recover what disability meant for an eighteenth-century audience. I examine Burney’s Camilla and Eugenia’s disability as well as Dacre’s Zofloya and Victoria’s figurative hermaphroditism in terms of eighteenth-century views of deformity and physiognomy to argue that both Eugenia’s and Victoria’s deformities—Eugenia’s smallpox scars and injured leg and Victoria’s beautiful but too boldly delineated features—challenge the prevailing structures of aesthetics and expectations of feminine beauty. My thesis questions how eighteenth-century aesthetic theory constructs the modern concept of the “disabled” individual to argue that the female body with a disability or deformity surpasses the terms of submission and diminution instated by Burkean aesthetics. In turn, the disabled female gains purchase in literature due to her “liminal, between-categories status” as it strains masculine power structures and aesthetic and gender classification systems.

Between 1830 and 1914 in Britain a dramatic modification of the reputation of Edmund Burke (1730-97) occurred. Burke, an Irishman and Whig politician, is now most commonly known as the 'founder of modern conservatism' – an intellectual tradition which is also deeply connected to the identity of the British Conservative party. Indeed, the idea of 'Burkean conservatism’ – a political philosophy which upholds ‘the authority of tradition', the organic, historic conception of society, and the necessity of order, religion, and property – has been incredibly influential both in international academic analysis and in the wider political world. This is an intellectual construct of high significance, but its origins have not hitherto been understood: insofar as it has been considered at all, it has been typically seen as the work of Cold War American conservatives. In contrast, this thesis demonstrates that the transformation of Burke into the 'founder of conservatism' was in fact part of wider developments in British political, intellectual, and cultural history in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Drawing from a wide range of sources, including political texts, parliamentary speeches, histories, biographies, and educational curricula, this thesis provides a properly contextual history of political thought. It shows how and why Burke's reputation was transformed over a formative period of British history. In doing so, it bridges the significant gap between the history of political thought as conventionally understood and the history of the making of political traditions. The result is to show that, by 1914, Burke had been firmly established as a 'conservative' political philosopher and was admired and utilised by political Conservatives in Britain who identified themselves as his intellectual heirs. This was one essential component of a conscious re-working of 'C/conservatism', especially from the mid-1880s, which is still at work today.

This diploma thesis deals with the famous controversy concerning interpretation of the French Revolution between Thomas Paine and Edmund Burke. This controversy is put into context with English debate on the revolution, which commenced with Price´s sermon (On the Love of our Country, 1789). Burke responded with his work Reflections on the revolution in France to that and subsequently Paine reacted with a text Rights of Man, in which he expounded his philosophy of the rights of man. The focus concentrates in the diverse interpretation of the concept of human rights with both authors.