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The consumer knowledge, attitudes and behaviour of a probability sample of English public CEGEP (Grades XII and XIII) students in the province of Quebec are investigated to provide a basis for the development of consumer education curricula. Results indicate that consumer knowledge and/or self assessment is low in the area of personal finances, credit usage and consumer protection. Language and sex are significantly associated with consumer knowledge scores; lower scores are more likely if a language other than French or English was spoken in the childhood home, and if the student is female. Previous courses taken with consumer related content significantly improved consumer knowledge scores. Respondents are aware of their level of consumer knowledge based on self assessment and knowledge scores obtained. Generally, respondents judge school and the family as the most useful sources of consumer knowledge; the contribution of the family is not valued highly by respondents who spoke a language other than French or English at home. Support for courses in consumer education is almost unanimous.

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The objective of this study was to determine whether formal, primary education could increase the level of ethnicity in children. One hundred Jewish children completing grade 6, and their parents, were measured on a series of instruments designed to evaluate their level of ethnic identity. Half the children had received their full education in private, parochial schools, while the other half had attended public, secular schools. The two samples were further sub-divided so that each sample consisted of 25 children of Ashkenazi descent and 25 of Sephardi descent. The data were subjected to a multivariate analysis of covariance wherein the variance attributable to the parents was partialled out. The results indicated that formal, parochial education does not effect an increase in the level of ethnicity, and that parental and community factors are the primary determinants of a child's ethnic identity. The results also demonstrate that the Sephardi children, despite their affinity to the Jewish people, have a less positive image of the Jewish community when compared to the Ashkenazi majority. The Conflict Theory model, which views the school as a mirror of the forces in society at large, was seen as the best explanation of the data.

Before 1920, the deaf of Montreal share with their counterparts elsewhere a common experience of residential schooling and training in manual trades, which introduced them to other deaf people and led to their socialising. In countries such as France and the United States in the latter half of the nineteenth century, the deaf were encouraged to be active members of political and social movements. There was no such activism evident in the deaf of Montreal. At the end of the nineteenth century, a deaf culture was visible in the U.S. and France, but despite the presence of three schools for the deaf in Montreal, no such culture seems to have existed at that time. / Deaf education in Montreal was carried out according to recognised teaching methods, and its teachers were part of a network of educators of the deaf abroad. Local influences unique to Montreal, such as religion and budding national and linguistic pride, however, changed the experience of both educators and the deaf. The bilingual character of the city, as well as the existence of two main Christian religions gave deaf life a different flavour. Historical narratives of deaf oppression at the hands of hearing educators common in France and the United States do not apply to the Montreal experience. / In many ways, deaf associative life in Montreal depended on the involvement of hearing educators. Experiences were different for Catholics and for Protestants, as well as for men and for women. The most prominent deaf association was made up of Catholic men, who joined an alumni association, the Cercle Saint-Francois-de-Sales, and started a newspaper destined not only for deaf Catholic men and women, but also for a readership consisting of the hearing. Their association also developed support networks for those deaf who suffered from economic and social disadvantage. / This association took on much of the ideological character of French-Canadian society, and was supported by the Catholic clergy. Its national and religious character was paramount and welcomed all members of the deaf family, which extended beyond audiological deafness to anyone interested in the deaf. Rather than participating in the deaf discourse in the United States or France, this association took on characteristics of the greater French-Canadian Catholic cultural group of which it was a part. / This thesis examines the conditions that led to these differences in the Montreal deaf experience between 1880 and 1920. It is concerned with the emergence of deaf networks of sociability and solidarity connected with Montreal's schools for the deaf and how such networks were made possible by the involvement of their educators. By examining the intellectual, religious, and national elements that gave rise to these deaf networks, this work aims at understanding the social dynamics steering Quebec society at the turn of the twentieth century.

In this dissertation, I examined the lived experiences of eight first-generation Iranian immigrants (six women and two men) enrolled as full-time undergraduate students in predominantly English institutions of higher education in Montreal. Using the key principles of phenomenology and critical ethnography, and through a series of open-ended, in-depth interviews, I explored the situated meanings of education in the lives of these men and women. The findings of my study show that the participants' perceptions of higher education seemed to be greatly influenced by their cultural values and beliefs. They perceived "education'' as social and cultural capital which secures their status and prestige within their families and communities. They also identified economic advancement, upward social mobility, personal fulfillment and easier access to Canadian higher education as factors that significantly influenced their decisions to pursue their undergraduate degrees. The study revealed that the women emphasized the crucial role of education in securing their financial and intellectual independence from the men in the household. They held the belief that being an "educated woman" contributed to having a stronger voice and a more authoritative space within the family. / The results of my study suggest that the voices of these men and women were linked to the issues of "agency", "critical thinking", and "belonging". The participants talked about their lives as "immigrants" and members of a marginalized minority group. While some openly talked about the existence of "covert" or "hidden" racism in Canadian society, they all expressed contentment with their lives in Canada when compared to Iran. They articulated their awareness of the conflicting concepts of gender roles existent in the traditional Iranian culture and the culture of the host country, and viewed western values of women's education and career development as a positive factor in pursuing their academic aspirations. / Highlighting the significance of individual narratives and lived experiences of first-generation immigrant students, this study may contribute to broadening our understanding of issues faced by immigrant students in institutions of higher education. Furthermore, the insights from the lives of these men and women may have important implications for educators, administrators, and faculty staff in order to create more accepting and culturally sensitive campuses.

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