Thesis (MEd)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study deals with an analysis of Mozambican education policy documents, linking this analysis to theories of democratic citizenship education. It suggests that, for Mozambican people to become active citizens who are able to face and challenge their social problems, a deliberative democratic citizenship education has to be adopted in their schools. In such deliberation the citizens should participate equally and freely in different debates and activities, without feeling intimidated by those in power. If such deliberative democratic citizenship education does not exist in schools, the citizens may not be able to recognise their rights and find solutions for the problems in society. The ideas of philosophers of deliberative democratic citizenship education, such as Amy Gutmann and David Thompson, Seyla Benhabib and Iris Marion Young, are used to think about democratic citizenship education in Mozambique. This analysis assists in answering the following research question: ‘Can the education policies in schools contribute to promoting democratic citizenship education in the Mozambican society? If not, what should be done?’ Furthermore, interpretive methodology and analytical inquiry are applied as methods to interpret and understand the education policy documents and to undertake a critical analysis of the concept of democratic citizenship education, as well as of education policy documents. The analysis of Mozambican education policy documents illustrates clearly that the government is concerned about the eradication of illiteracy, by increasing access to education, equality and quality of education, and the preparation of citizens who know their basic rights and can contribute to the development of their communities and democracy. The results demonstrate that the government is achieving some of the goals related to access to education. For instance, the government increased the number of primary schools from 7 013 in 1999 to 11 859 in 2008. However, more still needs to be done with respect to the quality of education. Furthermore, the study demonstrates that Mozambican education policies lack democratic citizenship education. For instance, the education policies were analysed in three distinct periods, namely post-independence, post-civil war and the period of the Millennium Development Goals. The policies are indicated to be inadequate to cultivate democratic citizens in Mozambican society, particularly because there is a need to boost a deliberative democratic citizenship education in schools. For example, in the first period, citizens did not have an opportunity to deliberate and be autonomous citizens in the educative process. Everything was done by the government. In the second period the government allowed the participation of other organisations, communities and institutions in the educative process, but there is no specification of how those citizens participated in the process of decision making. In the third period the government became concerned about important aspects and values of democratic citizenship education that should be taught directly in school. In this context the government introduced Civic and Moral Education and themes to be discussed in the classroom, which potentially will enable citizens to be critical. This situation shows that, in public schools, teachers should educate learners through classroom deliberations. It implies that teachers need to create conditions for the teaching and learning process so that all citizens, independent of their origin, class, sex and race, can participate and work together in deliberation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie handel oor ’n analise van Mosambiekse onderwysbeleidsdokumente, en verbind hierdie analise aan teorieë van demokratiese burgerskapsonderwys. Dit stel voor dat vir Mosambiekers om aktiewe burgers te word wat die vermoë het om hulle sosiale probleme te konfronteer en uit te daag, ’n beraadslagende demokratiese burgerskapsonderwys in hulle skole nodig is. In sulke beraadslaging moet burgers op ’n gelyke voet en vrylik aan debatte of aktiwiteite deelneem, sonder dat hulle deur die maghebbers geïntimideer word. Indien so ’n beraadslagende demokratiese burgerskapsonderwys nie in die skole bestaan nie, sal burgers moontlik nie hulle regte herken nie en ook nie oplossings vir die samelewing se probleme kan vind nie. Die idees van filosowe van beraadslagende demokratiese burgerskapsonderwys soos Amy Gutmann en David Thompson, Seyla Benhabib en Iris Marion Young is gebruik om demokratiese burgerskapsonderwys in Mosambiek te oorweeg. Hierdie analise dra daartoe by om die volgende navorsingsvraag te beantwoord: ‘Kan die onderwysbeleide in skole ’n bydrae maak tot die bevordering van demokratiese burgerskapsonderwys in die Mosambiekse samelewing? Indien nie, wat moet gedoen word?’ Verder is verklarende metodologie en analitiese ondersoek as metodes gebruik om die onderwysbeleidsdokumente te interpreteer en te verstaan en om ’n kritiese analise van die konsep van demokratiese burgerskapsonderwys, sowel as van die onderwysbeleidsdokumente, te onderneem. Die analise van Mosambiekse onderwysbeleidsdokumente toon duidelik dat die regering ernstig is oor die uitwissing van ongeletterdheid, met toenemende toegang tot onderwys, gelyke en kwaliteitopvoeding, en die voorbereiding van burgers wat bewus is van hulle basiese regte en ’n bydrae kan maak tot die ontwikkeling van hulle gemeenskappe en die demokrasie. Die resultate toon dat die regering sommige van sy doelwitte behaal met betrekking tot toegang tot onderwys. Byvoorbeeld, die regering het die aantal laerskole vermeerder van 7 013 in 1999 tot 11 859 in 2008. Meer moet egter nog gedoen word met betrekking tot die kwaliteit van onderwys. Die studie demonstreer verder dat Mosambiekse onderwysbeleide ’n gebrek aan demokratiese burgerskapsonderwys toon. Die onderwysbeleide is byvoorbeeld in drie afsonderlike tydperke geanaliseer, naamlik ná onafhanklikheid, ná die burgeroorlog en in die tydperk van die Millennium Ontwikkelingsdoelwitte. Die beleide is duidelik onvoldoende om demokratiese burgers in die Mosambiekse samelewing daar te stel, veral omdat daar nog ’n behoefte daaraan is om ’n beraadslagende demokratiese burgerskapsonderwys in skole ’n hupstoot te gee. Byvoorbeeld, in die eerste tydperk is burgers nie die geleentheid gegun om te beraadslaag en as outonome burgers in die onderwysproses op te tree nie. Alles is deur die regering gedoen. In die tweede tydperk het die regering deelname deur ander organisasies, gemeenskappe en instansies in die onderwysproses toegelaat. Maar daar is geen aanduiding van hoe hierdie burgers in die besluitnemingsproses deelgeneem het nie. In die derde tydperk was die regering besorgd oor belangrike aspekte en waardes van demokratiese burgerskapsonderwys wat direk in die skool onderrig moet word. In hierdie konteks het die regering Burgerleer en Sedeleer en temas wat in die klaskamer bespreek moet word, ingevoer wat burgers potensieel sal help om krities te wees. Hierdie situasie toon dat onderwysers in staatskole leerders in klaskamerberaadslaging moet opvoed. Dit impliseer dat onderwysers vir die onderrig- en leerproses toestande moet skep waarin alle burgers, ongeag hulle oorsprong, klas, geslag en ras, kan deelneem en saam kan beraadslaag.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation is a conceptual analysis of “institutional culture” in higher education, especially because the concept has become a buzzword in higher education discourse in South Africa. The aim is to develop an understanding of the concept, and more specifically, to explore how institutional culture is organised, constructed and articulated in the institutional documents of Stellenbosch University (SU) and the University of the Western Cape (UWC). These analyses are preceded by an analysis of higher education policy documents. I employ critical hermeneutics as research methodology to construct constitutive meanings of “institutional culture”. Since it is difficult to work with a large set of constitutive meanings, I narrowed the list down to the four most frequently recurring meanings, namely: shared values and beliefs; language; symbols; and knowledge production. These constitutive meanings form the theoretical framework which is used to analyse institutional documents. My findings suggest that all the constitutive meanings of my theoretical framework are addressed in the institutional documents of both SU and UWC, which means that the institutional documents conform to my theoretical framework. SU has, in my opinion, an excellent and comprehensive base of well-prepared and compiled institutional documents. However, most of these documents seem to relate to quality and compliance to national policy requirements, with no significant actions or strategies to address the challenges related to transforming the University’s institutional culture. Even though SU has shown commendable strategic initiatives to transform its institutional culture, there has not been sufficient engagement with the challenges of transformation. Similarly, for UWC, it is my contention that even though UWC is committed to transformation and nurturing a culture of change in order to make meaning of and address the complex challenges of the world, there needs to be more rigorous engagement in shaping and managing strategic direction and planning to ensure an institutional culture to accommodate change. Even though the institutional documents analysed mostly conform to the constitutive meanings of the theoretical framework, what of concern is the lack of an adequate articulation of the concept “institutional culture”. If there is no articulation, it follows that there is an inadequate understanding of the concept. A deeper understanding is crucial if the important link between transformation and “institutional culture” is to be realised. I contend that there exists a disjunction between “institutional culture” and transformation policies. One of the reasons for this disjunction is an impoverished understanding among higher education policy practitioners of the concept “institutional culture”, which creates an impression of compliance with national policy requirements. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie verhandeling behels ’n konseptuele ontleding van “institusionele kultuur” in hoër onderwys, vernaamlik omdat die konsep ’n modewoord in die diskoers in hoër onderwys in Suid-Afrika geword het. Die doel was om begrip van die konsep te ontwikkel, en meer spesifiek om te ondersoek hoe institusionele kultuur in die institusionele dokumente van die Universiteit van Stellenbosch (US) en die Universiteit van die Wes-Kaap (UWK) georganiseer, saamgestel en geartikuleer word. Hierdie ondersoeke word voorafgegaan deur ‘n analise van hoër onderwys beleidsdokumente. Kritiese hermeneutiek is as navorsingsmetodologie gebruik om die konstitutiewe betekenisse van ‘institusionele kultuur’ te bepaal. Aangesien dit moeilik is om met ’n groot stel konstitutiewe betekenisse te werk, is die lys tot die vier mees herhalende betekenisse beperk, naamlik gedeelde waardes en oortuigings; taal; simbole; en die voortbring van kennis. Hierdie konstitutiewe betekenisse het die teoretiese raamwerk gevorm vir die ontleding van die institusionele dokumente. My bevindinge doen aan die hand dat al die konstitutiewe betekenisse van die teoretiese raamwerk in die institusionele dokumente van sowel die US as UWK aan bod kom, wat beteken dat die institusionele dokumente met die teoretiese raamwerk ooreenstem. Na my mening het die US ’n uitstekende en omvattende basis goed voorbereide en saamgestelde institusionele dokumente. Die meeste van hierdie dokumente blyk egter met gehalte en nakoming van nasionale beleidsvereistes verband te hou, met geen beduidende handelinge of strategieë om die uitdagings aan te pak wat met die transformasie van die US se institusionele kultuur verband hou nie. Alhoewel die US lofwaardige strategiese inisiatiewe aanwend om sy institusionele kultuur te transformeer, blyk daar nie ’n genoegsame verbintenis te wees om die uitdagings van transformasie die hoof gebied nie. Eweneens, wat UWK betref, is my argument dat alhoewel UWK verbind is tot transformasie en die kweek van ’n kultuur van verandering ten einde sin te maak van die komplekse veranderinge van die wêreld en sodanige veranderinge aan te pak, ’n meer nougesette verbintenis nodig is rakende die ontwikkeling en bestuur van strategiese leiding en beplanning ten einde ’n kultuur wat verandering tegemoet kom, te verseker. Alhoewel die institusionele dokumente wat ontleed is hoofsaaklik met die konstitutiewe betekenisse van die teoretiese raamwerk ooreenstem, is die gebrek aan voldoende artikulasie van die konsep “institusionele kultuur” rede tot kommer. Die gebrek aan artikulasie lei tot onvoldoende begrip van die konsep. ’n Grondiger begrip is noodsaaklik ten einde die belangrike skakel tussen transformasie en “institusionele kultuur” te verwesenlik. My gevolgtrekking is dat daar skeiding tussen” institusionele kultuur” en transformasiebeleide is. Een van die redes vir sogenaamde skeiding is gebrekkige begrip van die konsep “institusionele kultuur” onder hoër onderwys beleidsrolspelers, wat die idee skep van nakoming van nasionale beleidsvereistes. / Andrew Mellon Foundation

Thesis (MEd)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Prior to 1994, the school principal in conjunction with the Department of Education used to be responsible for the control and management of school finances. With the establishment of the South African Schools Act 84 of 1996, however, the liability in respect of finance has changed dramatically as self-management took effect in schools. With the Minister of Education’s announcement of no-fee schools in poor communities (quintiles 1–3) in 2006, parents’ obligation to pay school fees fell away. Together with the aforementioned policy and decentralisation, through which power, control and management have shifted from the national to the local level, schools have started to bear a heavier financial burden as well. However, principals and governing body members have often not been trained to cope with this. The purpose of this study was to determine the impact of the no-fees policy on the financial control and management of rural schools in the West Coast-Winelands education district (circuits 1, 2 and 3). The data for the research were firstly gathered by means of a literature review, after which an exploratory study was conducted in 20 rural no-fee schools in the abovementioned education district by way of questionnaires. The school principals and chairpersons of school governing bodies each received a questionnaire. They were afforded two weeks to complete it. The researcher personally analysed the data, based on which certain findings and recommendations are made at the end of the study. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Voor 1994 was die skoolhoof in samewerking met die Departement verantwoordelik vir die beheer en bestuur van skoolfinansies. Met die instelling van die Suid-Afrikaanse Skolewet 84 van 1996 het die aanspreeklikheid ten opsigte van finansies egter drasties verander, deurdat selfbestuur by skole in werking gestel is. Met die Minister van Onderwys se aankondiging in 2006 van geenskoolfondsskole in arm gemeenskappe (kwintiel 1–3), het ouers se verpligting om skoolgeld te betaal verval. Tesame met voormelde beleid en desentralisasie, waardeur mag, bestuur en beheer vanaf nasionale na plaaslike vlak verskuif is, het skole nou ʼn groter finansiёle las begin dra. Tog is skoolhoofde en beheerliggaamlede dikwels nie opgelei om hierdie finansiёle las te dra nie. Die doel van hierdie studie was om die invloed van die geenskoolfondsbeleid op die finansiёle beheer en bestuur van landelike skole in die Weskus-Wynland-onderwysdistrik (kring 1, 2 en 3) te bepaal. Die data vir die navorsing is eerstens by wyse van ʼn literatuuroorsig ingesamel, waarna ʼn ondersoekende studie deur middel van vraelyste by 20 landelike geenskoolfondsskole in bogenoemde onderwysdistrik onderneem is. Skoolhoofde en beheerliggaamvoorsitters van die skole het elk ʼn vraelys ontvang. Hulle is twee weke gegun om die vraelyste te voltooi. Die navorser het persoonlik die data ontleed, op grond waarvan bepaalde bevindings en aanbevelings aan die einde van die studie gedoen word.