(p. 1) The Ciskei homeland, which is a 'sub-state' of the Republic of South Africa, attained a semi-autonomous status as a result of the implementation of the Bantustan policy of the Government of the Republic of South Africa. This semi-autonomous status introduced a Westminster type of parliamentary system which in turn brought into being a political party system. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate, amongst other things, the roles played by these political parties:- i) What role would the political parties play in the struggle of the Ciskeians for equal political rights vis - a-vis white South Africa? ii) Whose interests would those political parties serve? iii) This semi-autonomous status has resulted in the juxtaposing of traditional and modern political institutions. The political institutions that have emerged, include inter alia, legislative assemblies and political parties. These modern political institutions have been superimposed on traditional political institutions. What effect(s) would the one have on the other? iv) Would the development of political parties lead to the establishment of a one, two or dominant party system? In order that the above questions may be answered, i) An attempt will be made to define a political system, illustrating the concept with examples taken from the Republic of South Africa political scene and at the same time, attention will be directed to the relationship between the Republic of South Africa and the Ciskei. ii) When investigating the political party and the political party system, the role played by the political parties and the political party system in the relationship between the Republic of South Africa and the Ciskei will be defined. / Ciskei (South Africa) -- Politics and government / KMBT_363 / Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in

M.A. (Communication Studies) / SABC television coverage of general and municipal elections is regularly subjected to close scrutiny. The analyses made in these instances often concentrate on quantitative research of the time allocated to political parties, or analyses of the content of news reports, and items which are either ignored or used by the SABC. The controversy surrounding approaches such as this (and hence the motivation for this dissertation) is emphasised in Adams et al (1986: 155): "The irony of television news research in the social sciences is, that instead of producing studies of the audiovisual content of newscasts, it has largely resulted in research on verbal content alone." It is readily apparent, as attested by Adams that a lack of visual media research is a general phenomenon throughout the world. Quantitative research is practised with the use of stop watches and verbal analysis of content, but an important element of bias, viz. visual manipulation, is largely neglected. This study endeavours to create a broad framework for the analysis of visual bias. The handling of the 1987 and 1989 election campaigns on television by the SABC serves as material. Initially, the concept "propaganda" is discussed. It is noted that universally, "propaganda" has a negative. connotation in both research and practice. Due to the negative connotation of "propaganda", it is altogether underrated in the field of communication: it describes a phenomenon that occurs in totalitarian regimes and very seldom, it is assumed, in liberal democracies. The methods, applications, history and definitions of the term "propaganda" are discussed. Semiology and the possibilities of visual manipulation are subjects of discussion. It is noted that the viewer's experience of visual signs is naturally subjective. Andre (1984: 21) suggests that television can communicate truth or it can serve to present an aesthetic code, but it never engages the viewer directly with reality: "the camera never lies"; but the humans who manipulate it may do so...

Ever since union - and before - black South Africans have been excluded from parliament, provincial councils and other law-making bodies. This means that blacks have never participated in the electoral process. The voting (electoral) system - its nature and workings - remained the sole preserve of white political parties and the Apartheid government of the day. As a result of a conjuncture of circumstances (as per Harare Declaration), the African National Congress and the apart0heid government are now engaged in talks. Hopefully this will ultimately lead to negotiations towards a new Constitution which will make provision for a single unitary, non-racial, non-sexist South Africa with universal franchise on one single common voters roll and one person one vote. Part of the process of constitution-making for such a South Africa, will be the working out of a system of voting, an electoral system, which would be appropriate for the country. The African National Congress has recognised the need for a multi-party system, the right of all other political forces and organisations to organise and to compete for power on the political terrain. The ANC also recognises that all parties enjoying significant support should have the right to be represented in a Constituent Assembly and parliament. The question which needs to be resolved is: What would be an appropriate electoral system to achieve the stated objec0tive? It is to place the issue before the people of our country and to ensure participation at the widest levels by all the organisa0tions of the people in the process of constitution-making (including formulating and/or agreeing upon an acceptable system of voting), that the African National Congress, Community Law Centre (University of the Western Cape) and the Centre for Development Studies have organised a conference to be held in the Western Cape on 2 - 4 NOVEM0BER 1990. This conference will not be a decision-making one. nor will there be any resolutions at the end of the conference. The objective is to facilitate meaningful discussions throughout the country. To facilitate this process, we present a discussion document entitled "ELECTORAL SYSTEMS: A CRITICAL SURVEY" which has been prepared by Professor KADER ASMAL, a member of the Constitutional Committee of the ANC and Professor of Law at Trinity College, Dublin. It is hoped that arising from these discussions, there will be more meaningful discussions and consultations amongst or0ganisations such as trade unions, civic organisations, women’s organisations and other sectoral or0ganisations - ultimately leading to a situation which we would be better able to decide on an acceptable, unity building and democratic electoral system. / "The Community Law Centre (UWC) & Centre for Development Studies in conjunction with the ANC Constitutional Committee."--Cover

On October 26 1988, for the first time in the country’s history, South Africans of all races will be expected to go to the polls to elect their local government representatives. Never before have these elections been held together on the same day. That is about all that is historically "new" about the coming local authority elections. Yet to the government, the forthcoming municipal elections are all-important. So much so, that it is now an offense to call on people to boycott the elections. This booklet will attempt to find some explanations for why the coming municipal elections are so important to the government. How do they fit into the National Party’s political plans for the country and, most importantly, how do the majority of politically unrepresented South Africans view the elections and the structures of local government?

This thesis examines the meanings that residents of the township of Hooggenoeg (in Grahamstown, in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa) made of the election coverage in the Grocott’s Mail newspaper during 2011 municipal elections in South Africa. In addition, this study also sought to understand the particular set of ‘normative roles’ played by the paper, both with reference to the well-established body of theory about the normative roles of journalism in a democracy, and in terms of the paper’s own conceptualisation of its role in the functioning of local democracy. Grocott’s Mail, the oldest independent newspaper in South Africa, provided extensive pre-election coverage, which included producing and distributing an unprecedented free edition of the paper. The paper also facilitated a town hall debate in order to encourage residents to vote, and empower them to make a more informed choice about their vote. Three qualitative research methods, namely qualitative content analysis, focus group interviews, and individual interviews were used to examine the relationship between the content provided by the paper and the audience’s process of ‘making sense’ and deriving meaning from the content provided. The study concludes that Grocott’s attempt to encourage democratic culture in Grahamstown, in keeping with the more ‘facilitative’ normative roles that the local media can play, was only partially successful. Much of the election reporting subordinated the voices of the ordinary people, and privileged reporting that focussed narrowly on the voting process, and which foregrounded the views of political parties. Overall this coverage largely failed to resonate with the Grocott’s readers who live in Hooggenoeg (a largely ‘coloured’ area of Grahamstown), whose key concerns in terms of their daily life – such as poverty, unemployment, crime, lack of services – seemed, to them, unaddressed by this election coverage and, consequently, was not as engaging or convincing as the publishers/editors had hoped it would be. It can be also argued that Grocott’s narrow conceptualisation of democracy as entailing only public participation in electoral processes failed to cater for how audiences can be made aware of how they can participate in governance beyond the election period.

Voting enables certain formal decisions to be made through the participation of a given population; and it is the vital part of a democratic process. The method of voting used in South Africa (SA) today is derived from the Australian ballot system. This paper-based voting system, however, is slow, convoluted and inaccurate because of human errors; it is costly and largely inefficient. In the early 1900s, election officials overwhelmingly decided to use electronic voting (E-voting) systems to solve some of the problematic issues of paper-based voting systems. Mobile voting (M-voting) is a subset of E-voting; and it allows citizens to use their mobile phones to cast their votes. Very few countries have endeavoured to implement M-voting, in order to improve mobility and simplify the election procedures. Despite several M-voting initiatives reported worldwide; insufficient attention has been devoted to understanding the factors that influence the success or failure of M-voting implementation. It is also important to note that the implementation of M-voting may be very difficult; if the different modalities that aid successful M-voting implementation are not in place. This study seeks to develop a framework that has the potential to enable the successful implementation of M-voting in SA. The proposed framework is an IT artefact that endeavors to improve human experiences for voting. This study followed a Design-Science approach; and it made use of a case study to collect the data via a literature review, observations, questionnaires, focus groups and expert reviews. The study revealed that there is no institutional, legal and regulatory framework for the proliferation of M-voting in SA. Successful M-voting implementation depends on a compendium of factors, which may be unique in the local context where it is implemented. The framework that resulted from the above was assessed for validity and applicability; after which a modified framework was presented. The research concludes with specific implementation guidelines, as well as areas for future research.

M.A. (Politics) / This study examines the four democratic elections that have been held in Malawi, Zambia, South Africa and Madagascar in order to establish whether there has been an improvement in the quality of elections over the years, to ascertain the challenges faced in each country, and to determine the possible implications for the future of democracy in each of the countries. The criteria according to which elections are assessed in the SADC region guided the investigation. These are the PEMMO standards which, in contrast to a reliance on generalised terms such as „free and fair‟, offer practical guidelines on establishing progress in the electoral process, as well as the SADC-PF and SADC standards. The discussion has been structured along the lines of the three phases of the electoral process, namely, the pre-election period, the election period, and the post-election period, each with its own set of indicators to be met. The study finds that despite the minimal achievements, the overall management of the electoral processes in Malawi, Zambia and Madagascar has stagnated over the years. The institutional and legal framework is one of the major areas that need improvement in Malawi. The Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC), which was charged with the responsibility of organising the various elections, experienced enormous difficulties in establishing a level playing field as well as in exercising its full mandate. Other problem areas include the voter registration process, the use of state resources by the incumbent party, and the acceptance of the electoral outcome by some opposition leaders. In the case of Zambia, the procedure for the appointment of members of the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) undermines the independence of this body. The other difficult aspects (as in the case of Malawi) are the lack of public funding of political parties, the use of state resources by the ruling party, biased media access and coverage for the ruling party, and the acceptance of election results by some of the opposition parties. The inadequate training of the electoral staff has also been a major contributing factor to these challenges. In contrast to the abovementioned countries (including South Africa), the legal framework in Madagascar did not provide for the establishment of an independent electoral management body. Consequently, the various elections resulted in recurrent shortcomings in the voter registration process, the use of state resources, and the management of election material. However, despite the above bleak picture regarding the elections in Malawi, Zambia and Madagascar, there were some marginal improvements in the conduct of the elections over the years. The polling and counting exercises in Malawi, for instance, proved to be generally well-managed by the fourth election. Similarly, the Zambian elections over the years have improved in terms of the voter registration process, and the decrease in acts of political violence and intimidation. In Madagascar the campaign periods were generally peaceful. However, the government has since been overthrown in a coup d’état in 2009. In contrast with Malawi, Zambia and Madagascar, the four elections in South Africa have been of a high standard, notwithstanding the few flaws, particularly during the first elections in 1994. The independence and credibility of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) over the years, as well as its continuation of members for all the elections, have among other reasons, contributed to the high standard of elections in the country. The continuous significant flaws in the elections in Malawi and Zambia pose a serious problem for the advancement of democracy in these countries. In other words, if the basic requirements of democracy – that is "free and fair" elections – are not met it does not bode well for the democratic future of these countries. The legitimacy of the elections and that of the resultant governments can be undermined, as has since been illustrated in the instance of Madagascar. The case of South Africa demonstrates the direct link between the "freeness" and "fairness" of elections and the extent to which its political system is labelled a democracy.

One of the most critical moments during any transition is when the executive power of the old regime is transferred to a new government in waiting. This is often characterised by instability and conflict. Hence the Transitional Executive Council (TEC) was established in South Africa to facilitate its gradual and peaceful transition in 1994. The TEC can be seen as a negotiated, temporary and transitional institution that managed and prevented conflict in South Africa prior to the April 1994 general election. Although it existed only for four months, from December 1993 to April 1994, it played a significant role in South Africa's democratic transition. The TEC contributed to levelling the political playing field and creating a climate favourable for free and fair elections. The TEC's seven sub-councils further contributed to the smooth transition and creation of the Government of National Unity. In this study special attention has been given to the Sub-council on Foreign Affairs and its role in integrating South Africa into the international community. The Foreign Affairs sub-council played a pivotal role in laying the foundation for South Africa's membership of the various organizations like the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Commonwealth. In order to gain a deeper understanding of the TEC, several theoretical frameworks are applied to analyse the different perspectives namely: transition theory, conflict resolution, power-sharing and constitutional negotiations. / POLITICAL SCIENCE / MA (INTERNAT POLITICS)

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis addresses the financial cost implications incurred during elections, with special focus on South Africa. The discussion is conducted by way of comparing South Africa to countries like India, Australia, Israel and Mexico. Democracy entails more than merely conducting periodic elections that are free and fair, but it cannot be less. To a large extent free and fair elections are indicative of the governing authority's commitment to democracy. This commitment however, does have financial implications. A question that is very rarely addressed relates to the financial cost implications that accompany this commitment. For a country such as South Africa with a range of other pressing socio-economic issues, the cost factor with regard to the voting process is of vital importance. The South African electoral experience, in comparison to that of other developing countries, is presently a very costly undertaking at a conservative average cost of more than US $13.00 per vote. Depending on how the expenses are calculated, this figure takes on hefty proportions. To an extent the tardiness on the part of the South African Government in appointing the Electoral Commission to conduct the 1999 elections and the subsequent conflicts regarding the budgetary allocations to the Electoral Commission (EC) combined with poor electoral planning, resulted in the EC having to resort to very expensive technology in order to ensure that a free and fair election would be conducted on the date set by the President. Apart from addressing the above mentioned issues, relating to the cost expenditure during elections, the assignment also addresses possible ways to reduce these costs incurred. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis fokus op die finansiële uitgawes wat tydens verkiesings aangegaan word, met spesifieke verwysing na Suid-Afrika. Die bespreking geskied aan die hand van 'n vergelyking met lande soos Indië, Australië, Israel en Mexico. Demokrasie behels baie meer as net die hou van periodieke vrye en regverdige verkiesings, maar dit kan ook nie enigiets minder as dit behels nie. Vrye en regverdige verkiesings is tot 'n groot mate 'n bewys van 'n bepaalde regime se verbintenis tot die demokrasie. Hierdie verbintenis het egter finansiële implikasies vir 'n land. Die finansiële koste verbonde aan hierdie "verbintenis" is egter selde 'n punt van akademiese bespreking. Met die aantal sosio-ekonomiese vraagstukke waarmee die Suid-Afrikaanse regering op die oomblik gekonfronteeer word, is dit van kardinale belang dat dringende aandag geskenk word aan pogings om die koste-faktor van die verkiesingsproses so laag as moontlik te hou. In vergelyking met die gemiddelde koste wat verbonde is aan verkiesings in ander ontwikkelende lande, was die 1999 Suid-Afrikaanse verkiesing (teen sowat US $13,00 per kieser) 'n duur onderneming en afhangende van hoe die kostes bereken word, ontaard hierdie bedrag in 'n aardige een. Tot 'n groot mate was swak verkiesingsbeplanning die oorsaak dat daar tot duur tegnologie gewend moes om te verseker dat die verkiesing vry en regverdig verloop, soos op die datum wat deur die President bepaal is. Die laat aanwysing van die 1999 Verkiesingskommissie en die daaropvolgende konflik oor die verkiesingsbegroting, het ook bygedra tot die feit dat duur tegnologie ingespan moes word. Afgesien van bogenoemde aspekte, bespreek die tesis ook moontlike maniere om toekomstige verkiesings in Suid-Afrika teen 'n laer koste te hou.

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, University of the Witwatersrand, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Management in the field of Strategic Marketing Johannesburg, 2016 / South Africa has witnessed a decline in youth voter turnout. Consequently, political parties are integrating social media in their political marketing strategies in order to appeal to the youth voters. Notwithstanding the cumulative research that has been conducted on social media political marketing globally, there is dearth of such research in South Africa. Furthermore, no studies have explored the influence of social media political marketing on voter trust, loyalty and voting intention of the youth in the South African political context. This research intends to contribute to the increasing knowledge on the efficacy of social media political marketing by political parties in South Africa to engage with the youth and improve their election turn out. The two main research objectives the study seeks to achieve are to establish the influence of social media political marketing on voting intention, with voter trust and voter loyalty as mediators and to determine which mediator (voter trust or voter loyalty) has the strongest influence on the outcome variable (voting intention). Using a data set of 250 respondents, between the ages of 18 and 35 years, from Gauteng Province in South Africa, this study explores these relationships. The study outcome is that all five hypotheses are supported. The results denote that the relationship between social media political marketing and voter trust, social media political marketing and voter loyalty, voter trust and voter loyalty, voter trust and voting intention and voter loyalty and voting intention are all positive in a significant way. The research paper deliberates on the implications of the results from an academic, political party, legal and marketers’ perspective. In addition, directions for future research are suggested. / MT2016