Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2001. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 223-240).

A large body of research documents the social, economic, and demographic sources of Mexican migration to the United States, but this research tends to use geographically limited survey data, to give little consideration to domestic migration within sending countries as an alternative to international migration, and to focus on men. Since the mid-1980's, however, the regional and rural-urban origins of Mexican emigrants have been diversifying, international and domestic migration flows may have become increasingly interconnected, and women make up a rising proportion of international migrants from Mexico to the United States. This dissertation uses relatively recent, nationally representative Mexican data to analyze the sources of U.S.-bound emigration from Mexico in three main ways. First, I test whether there are rural and urban differences in the correlates of emigration. I find that indeed there are, and that they reflect the articulation between urbanization and economic development in Mexico. Whereas high levels of socioeconomic development within Mexican cities retain emigrants, urban economic development may generate emigration out of neighboring rural places. Second, I document the connection between recent domestic migration and U.S. emigration in Mexico. I find that the relationship varies across Mexico's geography: in rural places and in the historic emigrant-sending region, the two migration flows are still differentiated by the destination-specific role of social networks. However, the two forms of migration are connected in urban areas in the border and center regions. And, third, I evaluate how gender structures the social process of domestic and international migration from Mexico. Migration may be an outcome of socioeconomic development, but social axes of differentiation structure that process above and beyond the economic and demographic forces at play. My research finds that while gender is the form of social difference that most strongly differentiates migration patterns, gendered differences in emigration vary with class, ethnic, and geographic disadvantage. The greatest inequality in emigration exists between those marked by the greatest social disadvantage. / text

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published_or_final_version / Public Administration / Master / Master of Public Administration

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With the end of Apartheid, the South African regime completely changed. This had implications for African migration into the country. The migration situation became a concern with the appearance of what has been referred to as xenophobia. But except for some particularities, the case of South Africa is not so very singular. Systemic approaches in the field of International Relations have proved to be an interesting analytical tool, and Rosenau’s ideas provide the opportunity to use those approaches at different levels, applying them to different case of studies. The goal of this thesis is first to build a system of analysis for migration issues, explaining the interactions between the different actors of the system. The system thus created should be able to be applied to many case of migration in different regions of the world. The second chapter seeks to apply this system to the case of South Africa, for a clear understanding of the phenomenon of African migration to that country. It explains the interests, roles and modes of interaction of the different actors such as the state, external actors and migrants. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2010.

This study seeks to understand Chinese ethnicity as a process of ongoing cultural construction engaged in by Chinese people in Vancouver from 1945 to 1980. Drawing evidence primarily from the ethnic press and voluntary organizations, it uncovers a diversity of cultural positions articulated by different groups of Chinese with respect to their ethnic identity and sense of community. This interior discourse on Chineseness unfolded in part because of changing demographic conditions within the ethnic group. After the Second World War, the older settlers who had arrived in Canada before the exclusion act of 1923 were joined and gradually outnumbered by their Canadian-born descendants and new immigrants. This development ushered in a contest for the power of cultural definition among various generations of local-born and immigrant Chinese. The emergent diversity of ethnic constructs in the Chinese minority after 1945 also reflected the continuous influence of China and the new opportunities Chinese people began to enjoy in Canada. The former unitary outlook of the ethnic group regarding the close relationship of overseas Chinese with their home country was displaced, but not by any simple cultural re-orientation to Canada. Particularly among the immigrant Chinese, the concern forthe native place, the care for family members in Mainland China and Hong Kong, the desire to promote some form of Chinese culture in Vancouver, and a residual interest in Chinese politics remained salient dimensions of their ethnic consciousness. At the same time, the dismantling of discriminatory legislation and other racial barriers in the larger society afforded Chinese people for the first time the option to nurture an identification with Canada. In the 1970s these two fundamentally different cultural orientations were reconciled, as the discourse on Chineseness took on a new paradigm. Under state multiculturalism and with the rise of ethnic sentiments, members of the Chinese minority advanced their claims to be "Chinese Canadians" within the officially enshrined Canadian mosaic. Despite popular subscription to this category, immigrant and local-born Chinese invested this label with different meanings. The underlying diversity of Chinese ethnic construction was once again unveiled.