Orientador: Marcelo Santos / Banca: Renata Medeiros Paoliello / Banca: Sidney Antonio da Silva / Banca: Eric Gustavo Cardin / Banca: Joaquín Arango / Resumo: Essa pesquisa analisa o processo de imigração e trabalho dos Haitianos no Oeste do Paraná. Os primeiros imigrantes chegaram em 2012 trazidos do Acre por empresários locais para suprir a carência de trabalho manual inicialmente na construção civil. A falta de mão de obra delineou as primeiras migrações de haitianos para a região, fortalecida posteriormente com as redes de apoio. Por meio de pesquisa qualitativa, com utilização da pesquisa de campo, foram realizadas 60 entrevistas a fim de testar a hipótese se os empreendimentos frigoríficos privados têm contribuído para atrair a imigração haitiana no Oeste do Paraná. O município de Cascavel-PR foi selecionado como amostra por ser a cidade com o maior número de haitianos do Estado. Como resultados dessa pesquisa, destacam-se: a desconstrução do mito da crise migratória e sua importância enquanto ideologia para ocultar a existência de uma crise humanitária, com políticas estatais reduzidas ao fechamento das fronteiras e transgressão dos direitos humanos. Os imigrantes haitianos no Oeste do Paraná são força de trabalho substituta e disponíveis nos frigoríficos com organização produtiva baseada no fordismo/taylorismo que demandam mão de obra abundante, trabalho simplificado e intensa exploração da força de trabalho. Também constatou-se a vinculação dos frigoríficos à globalização, os quais sob o pseudo conceito de cooperativas, ocultam a presença de trustes na região ao passo que os representam e definem o preço da força de trabal... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This research analyses the process of immigration of Haitians to the West of Paraná. The first immigrants from Haiti came in 2012, brought from the state of Acre by local employers to work in civil construction to overcome the labour shortage in this field. The process of immigration was later strengthned by local support nets. Through qualitative research and field research, 60 interviews were made in order to test the the following assumption the local cold stores have been contributed to push the immigration process through in the West of Paraná. The city of Cascavel was chosen as a sample because it is the city where there are the largest number of Haitians in the state. As a result of this research, it is worth stressing the dispelling of the myth of the migration crisis and its importance as an ideology created to hide the existence of a humanitarian crisis, with state policies reduced to borders closing and transgression of human rights. The Haitian immigrants in the West of Paraná are a substitute and available labour force to work in the cold stores, which productivity is based on the Fordism and Taylorism. The work is simplified and the exploitation of the labor force is intense. It was also found the link between the cold stores and globalization. The cold stores also hide the presence of trusts in the region under the false concept of a farm cooperative. They represent and define the price of the labour force in the cold stores. As a result of this process, there ... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

Thesis (M.A.(International Relations))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanities, 2016. / Today, it is estimated that annually, 70,000 skilled Africans depart their nations of origin to pursue professional and educational opportunities abroad. Many leaders, policymakers and developmental practitioners believe that this steady stream of emigrants—commonly referred to as brain drain—has a substantial impact on the ability of African nations to develop. As such, brain drain is rapidly becoming one of the most salient issues on the African development agenda. Conventional wisdom had it that once nations improved their political, economic and social conditions, brain drain would abate. Yet, some countries, which have succeededin advancing socio-economic reforms and political freedoms, are seeing an increase in skilled emigration. The West African nation of Ghana is one nation that is experiencing this problem, to the detriment of key areas such as education and healthcare. In an effort to curtail the impact of brain drain on development, several entities have undertaken initiatives to mitigate the effects of the phenomenon.This research will assess efforts to ameliorate the effects of brain drain in Ghana. Specifically, it examinestwo programs facilitated by the International Organization for Migration—the Return of Qualified African Nationals initiative and Migration for Development in Africa—as well as interventions by the Republic of Ghana. The purpose of the study is to better understand the objectives of these brain gain initiatives, how the programs are facilitated and their impact in order to extrapolate lessons that can assist future actors in formulating more effective measures to combat brain drain. / GR2017

A Research Report Submitted to the Faculty of Humanities by: In partial fulfillment of the requirements for obtaining the degree of Masters of Arts in International Relations / This research report examines the governance and developmental challenges faced by countries that are major refugee destination countries. In doing so, I seek to examine the determinants of refugee outflows in Africa during the period of 2005 to 2013. I begin with the gravity model of refugee flows which helps identify and explain why certain countries tend to become major refugee destinations. The gravity model posits that refugee flows between two states is influenced by the distance and population size of both the destination and origin country. To this, I also add violent conflict which is expected to significantly affect refugee flows. In identifying major refugee destination nations, I also seek to understand which of these countries identify forced migration as a crucial governance and development challenge. The APRM text-mining analysis provides clarity on this. I use the statistical analysis to identify two countries that are popular refugee destination countries – Ethiopia and Kenya. I then present nested cases of trends of violent conflict and refugee flows. My central findings are that the presence of violent conflict in the source country strongly increases refugee outflows. I also find that distance plays a significant role in influencing migration decisions. The dynamics in the case studies reveal that African states are faced with different migration related challenges, and that the governance of migration is highly depended on the cooperation, will and commitment between the host and source countries. / MT2018

Migration is a major global issue of the 21st century (Martin & Widgren, 2002) [...] In recent years there has been an upsurge of African Diaspora returning home (Thomas, 2008). Notwithstanding anecdotal and editorial coverage, very little academic research exists on international migration to Africa (Ammassari, 2006). The focus of migration studies related to Africa has largely centred on outward migration and measures of the extent and cost benefits of the drain or gain and the ensuing debate on macro policy implications (Heenan, 2005). This research offers a new perspective on migration by exploring reasons and deeper motivations behind why African Diaspora mid-career professionals migrate to Africa, specifically South Africa and Nigeria. [Abbreviated Abstract. Open document to view full version] / MT2016

by Edna Lubonja. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2010. / Bibliography: leaves 98-101.

There has been excellent academic research, not only on diaspora, but also on postconflict Bosnia and Herzegovina in regards to transitional justice and peacebuilding. However, the factors that play a role vis-à-vis diaspora mobilization and transitional justice have been explored less. Theorizing has been ad hoc. Thus, the guiding question of this thesis is: How do diaspora utilize the political environments in their hostlands when they mobilize towards issues of transitional justice, in what ways and why? I develop a typological theory of diaspora mobilization, focusing on transitional justice claims, to systematize understanding and to develop midrange level explanations. Four types of diaspora mobilization (engaged, involved, reactive, and inactive) are theorized based on three independent variables: citizenship regimes, collective claims, and the presence or absence of ‘translocalism’ within diaspora communities. In particular, the more open citizenship regimes are, the higher the potential for diaspora mobilization will be. The thesis builds on the idea of translocal communities being an important factor in helping to determine the level of diaspora mobilization, along with the presence of collective claims in relation to transitional justice processes in the post-conflict homeland environment. The study is based on a qualitative research design using a unique two-level comparative lens, focusing on three countries in Europe (Sweden, France, and Germany) as well as four different cities within Bosnia and Herzegovina (Sarajevo, Banja Luka, Prijedor, and Srebrenica). The research methods include semi-structured interviews, participant observation, and process tracing with multi-sited fieldwork. Thus, transnational, translocal, host country, and homeland influences are incorporated into analysis. The study provides comparative rigor to research on diaspora mobilization that is particular and rare. It establishes diaspora as an important actor to consider in transitional justice based efforts and provides a new perspective on the idea of translocalism.

This study addresses how the UK and the Swedish Iraqi diaspora mobilised towards state-building in Iraq following the 2003 US led intervention. It explores why some diaspora mobilised towards state-building processes through institution-building and governance while others through civil society. While the literature has explored diasporic development and peace-building, it has not systematically addressed diaspora mobilisation for state-building. Neither has it paid sufficient attention to the factors that shape diasporic political choices in intervention and conflict settings. My thesis contributes to this body of literature and argues that an overlooked dimension of state-building, is that of civil society. State-building involves top-down approaches of institution-building but also bottom-up approaches of participatory politics that encourage democratic practices. I thus develop a new two-category operationalization of state-building to capture the interventions and transnational fields of different diaspora groups and individuals. My findings show that during different time periods, three factors have shaped the mobilisation of the UK and Swedish Iraqi diaspora towards state-building; diaspora profiles, hostland foreign policies towards the homeland and links to homeland political parties in Iraq. Theoretically these findings demonstrate that diaspora's socio-economic profiles and networks are key to understanding the type of politics that diaspora can engage in. Meanwhile, hostland foreign policies can shape diasporic interventions by creating different relationships with homelands and thus different opportunities for engagement. Furthermore, in divided societies, diaspora connected to homeland political parties, or represented by them, are more likely to be involved in the apparatus of the state, where as those excluded are more likely to engage outside the structures of power through civil society. Finally, my study demonstrates that temporal vii dimensions are crucial for understanding, which factors mattered, when and why. Empirically, this thesis also contributes original knowledge about the UK and Swedish Iraqi diaspora. It sheds new light into the myriad ways that diaspora in these two countries have been attempting to rebuild the country after the 2003 intervention by illustrating their efforts and experiences, and how it has informed their current relationship to Iraq.

Young Europeans with immigrant background live in societies that practice different models of national identity, where nations continually define themselves through citizenship policies, political rhetoric, and everyday social interaction that signal membership to be more open, or more closed, to those without native roots. In other words, young immigrant minorities are constantly receiving signals about whether or not they are accepted as part of the national community. This dissertation investigates how these 'working national identities' influence immigrant minorities' civic integration, defined as their identification with the national-civic community and their participation in political life. Denmark and Sweden, broadly similar societies with historically similar immigration patterns, differ in their citizenship policies, political debates over integration and levels of discrimination. Using this variation, the dissertation analyzes primary survey and interview data collected among immigrant-minority young adults in both countries to observe the effects of their citizenship policies, political debates and social inclusion on those minorities' perceptions, and the influence of those perceptions on their civic integration. I find that social inclusion increases minorities' national identification, while politician concern raises the likelihood that they will vote. But causes of engagement in other forms of political action vary more: while minority men are more likely to engage in political action if they perceive their groups to be excluded, women are more likely to do so if they identify with the community. Throughout, I find men to be more affected by the exclusion of their own ethnic and religious groups than women are. Further, higher levels of exclusion and greater politicization of minority issues in Denmark mean that these factors have stronger effects there, but also raise participation by spurring interest in national politics.

This study analyses transnationalism across the borders of Brazil and Paraguay. In particular, my interest regards the everyday practices and representation of Brasiguaios, a term commonly used to refer to those living in the Brazilian and Paraguayan border region. Whilst the well-established field of transnationalism usually focuses on processes forged by immigrants settled in a country geographically distant from their country of origin, this research demonstrates how migrants living in geographical proximity to their country of origin, as well as non-migrants living within a border region of their country engage in intense forms of transnationalism. The research for this thesis adopted multi-sited ethnography by living with and observing individuals in two distinct locations. The first location was the landless camp Antônio Irmão, known as the Brasiguaios landless camp, in the town of Itaquiraí, also in the state of Mato Grosso do Sul. Most of its residents are Brazilian migrant returnees from Paraguay. The second location was the joint Brazilian towns of Ponta Porã, in the state of Mato Grosso do Sul, in Brazil, and the Paraguayan town of Pedro Juan Caballero. Although most individuals living in these towns are not migrants, they are engaged in transnationalism. The two main distinct features of this study are the development of proximal transnationalism, a concept that explains the short forms of transnationalism within border regions; and the understanding that there are multiple representations of Brasiguaios. Thus, it is not possible to speak of a single, unique Brasiguaio identity. This thesis makes an academic contribution by its use of multi-sited ethnography to bring together the disciplines of transnationalism and border studies to show how everyday life and identities, framed within two nation-states that have increasingly affected the lives of individuals, are manifested in a border region of two countries, at the same time, seemingly disregarding the existence of the state.

This thesis utilises Productivity and Investment Climate Survey (PICS) 2007 data to explore native and immigrant wage determinants and wage differentials in Malaysia. The Oaxaca decomposition analysis is conducted by adapting Oaxaca and Ransom (1994) and Fortin (2008) with quantile regression to identify the non-discriminatory wage structure and the components of the wage differentials along the income distribution, making this as one of the contributions of this thesis. It then further explores the unexplained component of wage differentials by investigating the causes of educational mismatch and the effect of educational mismatch on native and immigrant wages. Findings show that the educational mismatch gives dissimilar effect on native and immigrant wages. Interestingly, the educational mismatch potentially widens the native-immigrant wage differentials. Further, this thesis explores the labour demand-side effect on native and immigrant wages. This thesis applies the dominance and decomposition analyses to identify and decompose the effect of individual and firm characteristics on wage separately. The results suggest that native wage is mostly determined by individual characteristics. On the other hand, firm and regional characteristics mostly determine the immigrant wage levels. This thesis establishes and enhances our understanding on the wage determinants and wage differentials that exist between native and immigrant as well as provides an empirical evidence of the educational mismatch and firm characteristics effects on wages of native and immigrant workers in Malaysia.