The reason and significance of variation in material culture is one of the most fundamental debates in archaeological studies. These debates factor strongly into Levantine Epipalaeolithic research, where the morphological variability of microlithic tools has been interpreted to represent distinct cultural or ethnic communities. This dissertation addresses microlith variability during the Middle Epipalaeolithic (≈17,500 – 14,600 cal BP) through the analysis of lithic assemblages from Wadi Mataha, ‘Uyun al-Hammâm, and Kharaneh IV (Jordan). Although regionally disparate, the lithic assemblages are characterized by the same geometric microlith type: the trapeze-rectangle. The integration of typological, technological, morphometric, and use-wear analyses allows for the subtleties in material culture to be explored among these sites. In addition to these analyses, new methods for use-wear quantification are presented. This dissertation sets out to test several hypotheses in regards to the microlith assemblages: 1) microliths will have overlapping functions, indicating that function does not drive form; and 2) microliths will show differences in technological style. These hypotheses relate back to current debates in Epipalaeolithic research about the nature of microlith variability. Is variation in microlith morphology the product of different technological sequences of production or microlith function? Or is variability the result of different cultural practices? This material culture variability is explored through the lens of the chaîne opératoire, where I advocate for the inclusion of functional analysis into our study of lithic assemblages. Through the integration of multiple methods, I suggest there is not a direct correlation between microlith form and function. Instead, the variability we witness in microliths during the Middle Epipalaeolithic is the result of local expressions within different communities.

The reason and significance of variation in material culture is one of the most fundamental debates in archaeological studies. These debates factor strongly into Levantine Epipalaeolithic research, where the morphological variability of microlithic tools has been interpreted to represent distinct cultural or ethnic communities. This dissertation addresses microlith variability during the Middle Epipalaeolithic (≈17,500 – 14,600 cal BP) through the analysis of lithic assemblages from Wadi Mataha, ‘Uyun al-Hammâm, and Kharaneh IV (Jordan). Although regionally disparate, the lithic assemblages are characterized by the same geometric microlith type: the trapeze-rectangle. The integration of typological, technological, morphometric, and use-wear analyses allows for the subtleties in material culture to be explored among these sites. In addition to these analyses, new methods for use-wear quantification are presented. This dissertation sets out to test several hypotheses in regards to the microlith assemblages: 1) microliths will have overlapping functions, indicating that function does not drive form; and 2) microliths will show differences in technological style. These hypotheses relate back to current debates in Epipalaeolithic research about the nature of microlith variability. Is variation in microlith morphology the product of different technological sequences of production or microlith function? Or is variability the result of different cultural practices? This material culture variability is explored through the lens of the chaîne opératoire, where I advocate for the inclusion of functional analysis into our study of lithic assemblages. Through the integration of multiple methods, I suggest there is not a direct correlation between microlith form and function. Instead, the variability we witness in microliths during the Middle Epipalaeolithic is the result of local expressions within different communities.

This present research explores the impact of Flannery’s (1969) Broad Spectrum Revolution model within the context of the Levantine Epipalaeolithic, specifically the early (Kebaran) Epipalaeolithic. This model attempts to explain changes in subsistence behaviour associated with the end of the Pleistocene leading up to the development of agriculture. The Jordan valley represents an ideal model for Flannery’s marginal habitat because of the range of different flora and fauna required more intensive resource exploitation strategies. The discussion here focuses on the zooarchaeological and taphonomic analysis of two faunal assemblages (representing two sub-horizons) from Urkan e-Rubb IIa, a Kebaran site located in the lower Jordan Valley, and excavated by E. Hovers (Institute of Archaeology, Hebrew University Jerusalem), in 1986 and 1988. This site shows evidence of specialised gazelle hunting and processing. Initial interpretations of the site argued for a multi-purpose residential base camp, supported by lithic tool and shell bead manufacturing. Recent discussions of Epipalaeolithic diet breadth have concentrated on the end of the Pleistocene (Munro 2001, 2003, 2004, 2009; Stiner 2001; Stiner & Munro 2002; Stiner et al. 1999, 2000; Stutz et al. 2009) and have been directed towards explaining changing subsistence patterns towards the end of the Epipalaeolithic (i.e. the Natufian), where an increased use of wild cereals and small game has been well documented. The view that it is not until the Natufian that broad spectrum resource strategies were used is questioned here. Major questions that are addressed with this research include: What do the faunal assemblages from Urkan e-Rubb IIa tell us about Kebaran subisistence behaviour? Do broad spectrum models help to shed light on subsistence adaptations at the end of the Last Glacial Maximum? What can recent analyses of Jordan Valley faunal assemblages contribute to the discussion? These are addressed through a detailed zooarchaeological and taphonomic analysis of the Urkan e-Rubb IIa fauana, followed by synchronic and diachronic analyses of Levantine Epipalaeolithic assemblages, through a combination of taxonomy-based diversity indices and prey-ranking indices.

This present research explores the impact of Flannery’s (1969) Broad Spectrum Revolution model within the context of the Levantine Epipalaeolithic, specifically the early (Kebaran) Epipalaeolithic. This model attempts to explain changes in subsistence behaviour associated with the end of the Pleistocene leading up to the development of agriculture. The Jordan valley represents an ideal model for Flannery’s marginal habitat because of the range of different flora and fauna required more intensive resource exploitation strategies. The discussion here focuses on the zooarchaeological and taphonomic analysis of two faunal assemblages (representing two sub-horizons) from Urkan e-Rubb IIa, a Kebaran site located in the lower Jordan Valley, and excavated by E. Hovers (Institute of Archaeology, Hebrew University Jerusalem), in 1986 and 1988. This site shows evidence of specialised gazelle hunting and processing. Initial interpretations of the site argued for a multi-purpose residential base camp, supported by lithic tool and shell bead manufacturing. Recent discussions of Epipalaeolithic diet breadth have concentrated on the end of the Pleistocene (Munro 2001, 2003, 2004, 2009; Stiner 2001; Stiner & Munro 2002; Stiner et al. 1999, 2000; Stutz et al. 2009) and have been directed towards explaining changing subsistence patterns towards the end of the Epipalaeolithic (i.e. the Natufian), where an increased use of wild cereals and small game has been well documented. The view that it is not until the Natufian that broad spectrum resource strategies were used is questioned here. Major questions that are addressed with this research include: What do the faunal assemblages from Urkan e-Rubb IIa tell us about Kebaran subisistence behaviour? Do broad spectrum models help to shed light on subsistence adaptations at the end of the Last Glacial Maximum? What can recent analyses of Jordan Valley faunal assemblages contribute to the discussion? These are addressed through a detailed zooarchaeological and taphonomic analysis of the Urkan e-Rubb IIa fauana, followed by synchronic and diachronic analyses of Levantine Epipalaeolithic assemblages, through a combination of taxonomy-based diversity indices and prey-ranking indices.

This masters thesis investigates the environmental/climatic change that is thought to have brought about the economic shift and transition from Palaeolithic economic system of hunting gathering to Neolithic economic system of agriculture and domestication period around 11.000-10.000 years ago. This study uses the collected animal and plant data of the Natufian culture in the Levant region from the previous zooarchaeological and archaeobotanical literature anlyses. It shows a significant mathematical difference in the zooarchaeological assemblage measures between the Early and Late Natufian sites by calculating Economic value parameters of the Early and the Late Natufian sites, a comparison analysis was made in terms of percentage frequencies of animals site by site and between early-late periods. The result shows a significant animal food supply decrease and change-shift shown during the Younger Dryas climatic crisis times of the whole Late Natufian period sites total and early to late site by site individually, compared to whole Early Natufian period sites. It shows there is a possibility that some big-base camp Late Natufian occupation sites were better able to create coping mechanisms against food crisis/food shortage and more successfully than other Late Natufian sites during the climatic food crisis period. It shows supporting with the animal-plant data and changes in the human bones, burial practices, human teeth, diet changes and anthropological studies evidence, a big social-economic-cultural change and a huge food crisis was highly possible and humans highly possibly lived an economic crisis and an highly connected-related social-cultural crisis during the Younger Dryas in the Late Natufian times human societies.

This thesis examines variation within the microlith industries of the Later Stone Age (LSA) of Northwest Africa, around the time of the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) until the onset of the Holocene, between ∼25 - 11.5 ka. The traditionally held view is that whilst there is variation amongst the lithic assemblages, this can all be accommodated by a single definable industry, known as the Iberomaurusian. This thesis indicates an alternative scenario. Based on the typo-technological analysis of 16,689 lithic artefacts recovered from recent excavations at the site of Grotte des Pigeons (Taforalt, Morocco) and the re-analysis of published data using the multivariate statistical approach of correspondence analysis (CA), this thesis shows that there was much greater variation than previously proposed within the Pleistocene LSA. This thesis indicates that the LSA industries can be sub-divided into four chronologically distinct variants, an Initial LSA time-coincident with the first appearance of microlithic technology from ∼25 ka and lasting up until Heinrich event 2, a succeeding Early LSA at ∼22 ka that continued until Heinrich event 1, a Middle LSA marking a shift in technologies around this event at ∼16 ka, and an Upper LSA occurring with the climatic amelioration of the Bølling-Allørod at ∼14.5 ka. The proposed chronological model provides a new framework for categorising variation within the LSA, which is a necessary pre-requisite for potential future research addressing wider anthropological and archaeological issues, such as reasons for shifts in subsistence and settlement.

L’ibéromaurusien (23 000 - 9500 Cal BC) et le Capsien (9600 - 5000 Cal BC) sont deux cultures de la fin du paléolithique supérieur et de l’épipaléolithique d’Afrique du nord ; elles ont été définies sur la base de la typologie de leur assemblage d’industrie lithique. L’Ibéromaurusien est caractérisé par une industrie lamellaire microlithique et la Capsien par une industrie microlithique riche en segments minuscules, en microburins et microlamelles. La discontinuité biologique prêtée à ces deux groupes, sur la base d’arguments anthropologiques discutables, a fortement influencé le débat sur leur mode de remplacement. Ainsi une origine Moyen-Orientale a été proposée à la culture capsienne. Nous avons souhaité vérifier cette théorie à partir de l’étude du traitement funéraire dans ces deux groupes. En appliquant les méthodes de l’anthropologie funéraire moderne, nous proposons une révision critique de l’ensemble du corpus aujourd’hui disponible. Il comprend une soixantaine de sépultures Ibéromaurusiennes, renfermant 126 individus découverts dans 10 sites, 48 sépultures Capsiennes contenant 55 individus, issues de 13 sites, et enfin 38 sépultures du site de Columnata, livrant 89 individus. Nous avons scrupuleusement analysé les contextes de découvertes de ces individus dans les publications et les carnets de fouilles. Nous avons révisé les dénombrements, la détermination du sexe et l’estimation de l’âge au décès. Nous avons également exploré la surface de l’os à la recherche de stigmates permettant de valider ce que l’analyse taphonomique des sépultures laissait présager. Nous avons d’abord caractérisé le système funéraire de chacun de ces deux groupes, puis nous avons comparé les composants de ces deux systèmes afin de rechercher une éventuelle transmission ou rupture de coutume entre les deux sociétés. Les normes funéraires telles que nous les avons établies, confirment la spécificité de chacun de ces deux groupes. Les gestes funéraires sont différents et l’absence de transmission directe entre ces deux groupes de chasseurs cueilleurs est d’abord envisagée. Toutefois, l’interprétation ostéo-archéologique des sépultures révèle la présence d’une coutume funéraire minoritaire (conditionnelle), longue dans sa durée d’exécution, et complexe par la technique qu’elle requiert, quasi identique dans les deux groupes. Ce traitement passe par une étape de découpe du cadavre (décollation, désarticulation, décarnisation et éviscération), la tête après dépouillement est décorée parfois surmodelée. Enfin, le corps ainsi partitionné est inhumé en blocs anatomiques disloqués. Ce traitement, par les degrés d’apprentissage qu’il nécessite et la complexité de sa conception, suggère un lien direct entre les deux traditions. Cet héritage culturel Ibéromaurusien chez les Capsiens nous conduit à privilégier l’hypothèse d’une relation ancêtre-descendant et une origine locale de la culture Capsienne. / The iberomaurusien (23,000 - 9500 cal BC) and the Capsian (9600-5000 cal BC) are two cultures dating from the end of the upper Palaeolithic and Epipalaeolithic in North Africa. They have been established on the basis of the characterisitics of their lithic industries. The Iberomaurusien is characterized by a lamellar microblade industry and Capsian by a microblade industry rich in tiny segments and microburins microbladelets. Biological discontinuity of these two groups has been assumed on the basis of questionable anthropological arguments which have strongly influenced debate on their origins. Thus a Middle-Eastern origin has been proposed for the Capsian. We wanted to test this theory using a study of the mortuary practices in these two groups. By applying the perspective of modern mortuary anthropology, we offer a critical review of the entire available corpus. This includes 60 Iberomaurian graves, containing 126 individuals discovered in 10 sites, 48 Capsian graves containing 55 individuals from 13 sites, and 38 burials from the Columnata site providing 89 individuals. We carefully analyzed the contexts of discovery of these individuals as described in publications and field notes. We have revised the counts, the sex-determination and estimation of the age at death. We also explored the surface of the bones looking for stigmata to validate what a taphonomic analysis of the graves might reveal. We first characterized the burial system of each of these two groups, and then the components of these two systems were compared to find a possible transmission or break in burial custom between the two societies. The funeral practices as we have established them, confirm the specificity of these two groups. Funeral rituals are different and the absence of direct transfer between these two groups of hunter-gatherers is first considered. However, the osteo-archaeological interpretation of the graves revealed the presence of a (conditional) minority funeral custom, which lasted a long time, and required a complex technique, that was almost identical in the two groups. This treatment goes through a stage of dismembering the cadaver (beheading, disarticulation, butchering and evisceration), and the skull after flaying is sometimes plastered. Finally, thus partitioned, the body is buried assembled in dislocated anatomical blocks. This treatment, by the levels of knowledge that it requires, and the complexity of its design, suggests a direct link between the two traditions. This endurance of Iberomaurusian cultural heritage in the Capsian leads us to confirm the hypothesis of an ancestor-descendant relationship and a local origin of the Capsian culture.