This thesis explores why ethnicity was introduced as the basis for the reconstitution of the Ethiopian state in 1991, examining the politicisation of ethnic identity before and after the federation of the country’s ‘nations, nationalities and peoples’ was instituted. The establishment of the modern Ethiopian empire state in the nineteenth century, and the processes of centralisation and bureaucratisation which consolidated it in the mid twentieth, provide a backdrop to an emerging concern with ‘regionalism’ amongst political circles in the 1960s and 1970s. Ethnicity operated as both resource and product of the mobilisation by which the major movements of armed opposition to the military regime of the 1970s and 1980s, later the architects of ethnic federalism, sought control of the state. Under federalism through the 1990s, political representation and territorial administration were reorganised in terms of ethnicity. A stratum of the local elite of each ethnic group was encouraged to form an ethnic organisation as a platform for executive office. Meanwhile ethnic groups and their elites responded to these new circumstances in unanticipated but calculative ways, often radically reviewing and reconstructing not only their sense of collective interest, but also the very ethnic collectives that would best serve those newlyperceived interests. The architects of ethnic federalism are influenced by a Marxist formulation of the ‘National Question’ which incorporates contradictory elements inherent in the notion of ‘granting self-determination’: the conviction that self-selected communities respond better to mobilisation ‘from within’, in their own language, by their own people; and the notion that ethnic groups are susceptible to identification, definition, and prescription ‘from above’, by a vanguard party applying a checklist of externally verifiable criteria. These two sets of assumptions correlate with tenets of instrumentalism and primordialism respectively, which are, as they stand, equally irreconcilable. An investigation of theoretical approaches to ethnicity and collective action suggests that many conflate the ‘real world’ and ‘socially constructed’ referents of the ethnic profile of an individual (the constituents of the individual state of being an ethnic x), with the fully constructed collective accomplishment which creates members of an ethnic group (conferring the social status of being an ethnic x, of which those referents are markers). Differentiating the two, and exploring the recursive relationship between them, by means of a consideration of calculative action within the framework of actors’ categories (emerging from emic knowledge systems) and shared social institutions (premised, whether their referents are ‘natural’ ‘social’ or ‘artificial’, on collective processes of ‘knowledge construction’), may improve analysis of the causes and operation of collective action associated with ethnicity and ethno-nationalism. Ethnic federalism in Ethiopia offered the prospect of a shift away from the ‘high modernism’ of that state’s past projects to ‘develop’ its people, apparently in favour of the collective perspectives of groups of its citizens. The coercive and developmental imperatives of the state that guided its implementation, however, have militated against the substantive incorporation of locally determined social institutions and knowledge.

Shifts in centre-periphery relations in Ethiopia and the complex relationships between the Ethiopian state and neighbouring countries motivate this thesis to contribute a nuanced historical reading of the relationship between Ethiopia's eastern periphery and the central state and the wider regional implications of this relationship. It does so by examining the interplay between the state projects of controlling territory and asserting authority and the experiences and responses of local populations to these attempts in the Harar and Jijiga localities. Using an interpretive approach and a qualitative methodology that is underlined by historical methods, the thesis argues that the narrative on the integration of the Harar and Jijiga peripheries into the state is shaped by a history of negotiation. However, this negotiation is ongoing and is far from completion because there is no consensus on the nature of, and meanings associated with territoriality and identification when conceptualising statehood in Ethiopia. The condition of partial integration has afforded local actors in the peripheries the liberty to occasionally engage in discourses on territoriality and identification with neighbouring countries regardless of attempts by the Ethiopian state to enforce its ideas of these aspects of statehood. This investigation highlights the presence of a British Military Administration from 1942 and the changes this made to the territorial boundary between eastern Ethiopia and the British Somaliland Protectorate, and the establishment of the Republic of Somalia in 1960. Previous studies have approached the centre-periphery relationship from the perspective of the Ethiopian state - highlighting conflict and resistance. This thesis contests these perspectives because of their inability to reveal a history of peripheral agency. Centre-biased and ahistorical approaches often overlook the shadings that exist in centre-periphery relations. The thesis also challenges the myth of a homogenous eastern periphery by demonstrating that the marginality of Harar and Jijiga is mitigated by their history of being centres in the periphery. The findings of this thesis challenge the narratives of conflict and resistance that dominate interpretations of the relationship between the eastern periphery and the Ethiopian state. The empirical evidence presented in this thesis confirms and develops current scholarly debates on the existence of complex empirical manifestations of statehood in Africa, specifically in the Horn of Africa. Thus the thesis contributes to the ongoing turn in the study of statehood, which promotes the investigation of the state from the margins for a more balanced view of political reality. Finally, rather than attempting to resolve questions on the nature of statehood in Ethiopia, in the Horn of Africa or in sub-Saharan Africa, this thesis draws attention to the alternative ways of interpreting ideas of statehood as they manifest themselves in diverse historical, social and political contexts.

This thesis examines the underlying causes of food insecurity, famine in general and green famine in particular in the enset-dominant livelihood zones of Kambata land in southern Ethiopia, which are historically considered more resilient and less vulnerable to food insecurity and famine than other parts of Ethiopia. Given Ethiopia's long-standing history of food insecurity and famines, the discourse of food insecurity and famine is dominated by natural and demographic factors as the main causes. In order to unpack the multi-layered underlying causes of food insecurity in general and green famine in particular, the thesis adopts Sen's analytical framework of ‘entitlement to food'. Using multi-site qualitative research techniques, this thesis captures the perceptions of different actors at different levels about the causes of green famine, identifies the sources of livelihood vulnerability and the types of livelihood strategies undertaken by households in the study area. By systematically capturing and analysing these different aspects, the study concludes that the causes of green famine extend beyond the dominant narratives of drought and population growth, and that these factors alone cannot fully explain famine occurrence. Green famine is caused by a web of complex and intertwined policy-related, political, natural, socio-­‐economic and demographic factors that have long been present in the study area. The thesis further investigates how the contemporary understanding and classification of famine is dominated by anthropometric and mortality outcomes (‘objective indicators') and thresholds set by outsiders and how ‘subjective indicators' such as the perceptions, knowledge, experience and coping strategies of famine victims are undervalued and given less weight by ‘famine scales'. By incorporating ‘subjective indicators' of famine, this thesis challenges conventional famine conceptualisation and measurement and recommends that these indicators be given equal treatment and weight to ‘objective indicators' in famine classification.

This study examines the operating costs of, and intentional compliance with, the value added tax (VAT) in Ethiopia. The study focuses on assessing the magnitude and nature of operating costs, identifying areas in the design and administration of the tax that contribute to the operating costs and the problems in the operation of the tax at large, and also on the link between VAT compliance costs and intentional output VAT reporting compliance decisions. The study adopts a mixed methods research approach to test a series of hypotheses and answer research questions that emerge through the review of existing literature and the experiences of the researcher in respect of the Ethiopian tax system. Specifically, the study uses surveys of taxpayers and tax practitioners, experimental design, interviews with tax officials and documentary analysis. The study statistically analyses the data elicited from the surveys and experimental design. It also analyses the results of in-depth interviews with tax officials and examination of documents held by tax authorities and other institutions. The results of this combined research methodology reveal that VAT operating costs in Ethiopia in the fiscal year 2005/06 appear to be relatively low. However, this low level of operating costs may not imply that the VAT system in Ethiopia is simple. In particular, in the case of administrative costs it is argued that it may indicate that the tax authorities are under-resourced which in turn may have affected their ability to accomplish the responsibilities entrusted to them. In respect of compliance costs, although the total costs seem to be low, it is contended that their regressiveness is likely to impact on the equity of the tax system as a whole. Further, the results show that VAT compliance costs and intentional VAT reporting compliance decisions are inversely correlated; but this correlation is statistically weak. The results also identify several concerns in the design and administration of the tax that have bearing on the operating costs and the operation of the tax. Specifically, the existence of the relatively high registration threshold, the high frequency of VAT reporting, the use of the invoice method of accounting (the latter two pertain mainly to small businesses) and weak administration are noted. iv The thesis suggests a series of measures which could be taken by the government and by the tax authorities in particular, to address the various problems identified in the study. These measures include strengthening the administration; allowing small businesses to adopt the cash basis of accounting and report less frequently; and reducing the registration threshold. The use of tax education is also emphasised as a strategy to improve compliance.

<p>&nbsp / </p> <p align="left">This thesis focuses on federalism and ethnic diversity. Using two case studies, South Africa and Ethiopia, it sets to examine whether institutional designs in a form of federalism can serve as an effective instrument to respond to ethnic claims while at the same time maintaining national unity in the context of multi-ethnic societies. The issues this study investigates are <font face="Times New Roman" size="3"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">not only topical to multi-ethnic states around the world but constitute the core problems to which communities, ranging from the troubled Sudan to Nigeria and from the Western Sahara to the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), are struggling to find solutions. In this regard, the thesis may assist those multi-ethnic states that are struggling to find institutional solution to <font face="Times New Roman" size="3"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">the ethnic conflicts that characterise their society.</font></font></font></font></p>

This study, therefore, inquires into whether the regional states are discharging their constitutional obligation of creating adequately empowered local government. It will attempt to do so by examining the decentralisation programme of four of the nine regional states of the Ethiopian federation.The argument in this study is developed in the following manner. First, it will be examined whether decentralisation is favourable for democratisation, development and accommodation of ethnic minorities. Second, institutional frameworks will be identified which will be used to examine whether Ethiopia’s local government is indeed empowered enough to achieve these objectives. Third, the structural organisation, powers and functions of local government of four of the nine regional states of Ethiopia will be described. The regional states are Amhara, Tigray, Oromia and Southern Nations and Nationalities and Peoples’ regional states. Fourth the Ethiopian local governance system will be assessed in light of the institutional principles that are identified in chapter 2.

Democracy development techniques such as international election monitoring have increasingly become commonplace. Monitors are sent to far off locations to scrutinize the electoral processes and determine whether or not they have met the free and fair standards as established by their mandates. The term free and fair however, has become a catchphrase amongst many of those involved in the election monitoring and democracy development fields. The phrase is often interpreted loosely and is rarely clearly defined. Despite the recognition of the terms often differing interpretations, it remains a commonly used standard. The 2005 Ethiopian Elections demonstrate that free and fair, when interpreted differently by international electoral observers, can have consequential results. <p>The thesis provides a political analysis of the Carter Centers and European Unions international election monitoring final reports of the 2005 Ethiopian elections. Following the 2005 Ethiopian elections the Carter Centers and the European Unions electoral observation reports became highly politicized. In the post election period, the two organizations came to different conclusions in regards to the validity of the electoral process. At the core of these differences were the organizations differing conceptions of what constitutes free and fair electoral practices. In the post election period the European Unions and Carter Centers reports have been pitted against one and other as those concerned with the election results seek to make sense of the reports. <p>This thesis is significant because it asks relevant questions about the consequences of differing understandings of free and fair. The thesis seeks to provide insight into international election monitoring and provide recommendations to improve the process.

Democracy development techniques such as international election monitoring have increasingly become commonplace. Monitors are sent to far off locations to scrutinize the electoral processes and determine whether or not they have met the free and fair standards as established by their mandates. The term free and fair however, has become a catchphrase amongst many of those involved in the election monitoring and democracy development fields. The phrase is often interpreted loosely and is rarely clearly defined. Despite the recognition of the terms often differing interpretations, it remains a commonly used standard. The 2005 Ethiopian Elections demonstrate that free and fair, when interpreted differently by international electoral observers, can have consequential results. <p>The thesis provides a political analysis of the Carter Centers and European Unions international election monitoring final reports of the 2005 Ethiopian elections. Following the 2005 Ethiopian elections the Carter Centers and the European Unions electoral observation reports became highly politicized. In the post election period, the two organizations came to different conclusions in regards to the validity of the electoral process. At the core of these differences were the organizations differing conceptions of what constitutes free and fair electoral practices. In the post election period the European Unions and Carter Centers reports have been pitted against one and other as those concerned with the election results seek to make sense of the reports. <p>This thesis is significant because it asks relevant questions about the consequences of differing understandings of free and fair. The thesis seeks to provide insight into international election monitoring and provide recommendations to improve the process.

Diss. Göteborg : Göteborgs universitet, 2006. / Härtill 4 uppsatser.

Diss. Uppsala : Sveriges lantbruksuniv., 2003.