This thesis looks into the role of identity in ethnic conflict from social-psychological and cognitive perspectives. / The literature of Social Psychology suggests that one strategy of social groups under pressure or threat is to revert to their collective identity and manipulate it in ways that yield a distinct positive value for group members. Focusing on the main proponent of this view, Social Identity Theory, and transposing its premises onto an ethnic level, an Ethnic Identity Theory is proposed that explains ethnic identity's utility for the positive self-esteem of members of an ethnic group during a time of crisis. / As far as the cognitive aspect is concerned, the focus moves on to the individual level of analysis. It explores the issue of how information may be represented in the human brain, and proposes that it is due to particular 'exclusive' cognitive strategies of knowledge categorization, storing and re-processing that ethnic conflict is enhanced. Borrowing from Artificial Intelligence literature on Schemata and Frame theory, ethnic identity is treated as a frame with multiple slots for various traits that comprise an ethnic identity. Such modeling helps illustrate how properties related to the architecture of these mental structures result in the constructed ethnic identities becoming more rigid---their individual traits acquiring singular importance and, once challenged, affecting the whole identity. / This study concludes by pointing that, if intransigence and inflexibility concerning ethnic identity traits begins on a cognitive micro-level, then, little progress towards peace should be expected in on-going ethnic conflicts, unless cognitively unbiased third parties are involved in peace-making, and unless their involvement includes action on a cognitive-learning level to change convictions about warring groups members' perception of their own as well as others' ethnic identities.

Saturday Night and Sunday Morning marks the tenth anniversary of the Bradford riot of Saturday 7 to Sunday 8 July 2001. The day began with a peaceful demonstration against a banned Far Right march but ended in one of the most violent examples of unrest in Britain for 20 years. More than 320 police officers were injured as they battled rioters who hurled missiles and petrol bombs, pushed burning cars towards them and torched buildings. Criminal acts of looting characterised the final hours. Riot damages amounted to GBP7.5 million. In the aftermath, nearly 300 arrests took place and nearly 200 were charged with riot leading to prison sentences of four years or more. Images of the riot, and of a smaller disturbance which followed on one of its traditionally 'white' estates, have haunted Bradford ever since. Nine years later, in August 2010, Bradford faced another Far Right provocation. The English Defence League came in force to demonstrate against Bradford's Muslim population. Bradford braced itself. However this time, Asian lads mostly stayed off the streets and the police worked with the council, communities and local activists to keep order against the threat of violence. Saturday Night and Sunday Morning traces Bradford's journey over the decade, beginning with the voices of rioters, police and others interviewed after the 2001 riot and ending with those of former rioters, citizens, police and politicians following the EDL protest. The authors argue that while 2001 reflected a collective failure of Bradford District to address a social legacy of industrial decline in a multicultural context, 2010 revealed how leadership from above combined with leadership from below restored its confidence and opened up possibilities for a new era in Bradford's history and prospects. Saturday Night and Sunday Morning is written by two authors from the University's renowned Department of Peace Studies who balance research with an active commitment to peace, economic regeneration and social justice in Bradford.

The dissertation is dedicated to the history of the East European Karaite Jews (Karaites), a highly interesting ethno-religious Jewish group. It focuses on the Karaites of Galicia (Ukraine) from 1772 to 1945. The first four chapters of the dissertation are devoted to the Austrian period in the history of the Galician Karaites (1772-1918). Chapter One demonstrates that the Karaites represent an unparalleled example of preferential treatment of a Jewish community by the Austrian administration. Chapter Two provides readers with an overview of the "internal" history of the Karaite communities of Halicz and Kukizow. Chapter Three outlines the religious and ethnographic customs and traditions of the Galician Karaites. Chapter Four focuses on relations between the Karaites and their ethnic neighbours - the Slavs and the Ashkenazic Jews. Chapter Five is dedicated to the history of the Karaites in Polish Galicia between the two world wars. It is in this period that the Karaites started to become more and more separated from the Ashkenazic Jews. Chapter Six reconstructs the process of dejudaization and Turkicization of the Karaite community, highlighting the role of Seraja Szapszal, the Karaite ideological leader. It ends with an analysis of the history of the community during the period of the Nazi occupation. Chapter Seven outlines the ultimate decline of the Galician community after the Second World War. It also describes the current state of the Galician Karaite community and its historical legacy. The conclusion provides some essential remarks regarding the position of the Karaite case within the wider framework of Jewish and European history.

This dissertation examines class and ethnicity in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) of Southeastern Bangladesh. The indigenous people of this region are now in a minority because of the influx of Bengalees. This study argues that ethnic conflicts, ethnicity or "tribalism" in the CHT emerged as consequences of British, Pakistani and Bengalee colonialism, modernization and development projects undertaken by the international development agencies; these factors changed the relations of production and were accompanied by militarization of the area and a destruction of the traditional mode of life. Ethnicity as an ideology has played a determinant role in the CHT rather than class, despite the fact that the CHT groups and the Bengalees are divided into several socio-economic levels. Here, class interests and class issues are undermined and overshadowed by the presence of ethnic antagonisms and an ideology of "tribalism" among Bengalees and the indigenous CHT peoples.

Population growth and internal migration in parts of the developing world have led to increased conflict over land rights carried out in the context of competing tenure paradigms. In Kenya, violent conflict between 'indigenous' and 'outsider' communities occurring in the midst of a program of democratic liberalization and political change has been variously explained as primarily driven by material or political interests. This thesis examines land rights conflict in the wake of a violent clash at Enoosupukia in 1993, which led to the displacement of up to 30,000 people, and analyzes how changing tenure paradigms, shifting socio-spatial boundaries, ethno-political polarization, and pressure on land resources all contribute to the perpetuation of conflict and tenure uncertainty. I argue that, despite challenging civil precepts of liberal governance, assertion of exclusive ethnic rights to traditional territories may nevertheless lead to political justice and alleviate the marginalization of indigenous and minority groups.

<p>This thesis makes an ethnographic contribution to the anthropological debates about the contested nature of &lsquo / culture&rsquo / as a central term in the discipline. It examines discourses as tools that create, recreate, modify and transmit culture. The research was done in the town of Rundu in Kavango region, northeastern Namibia. In attempting to understand the local notions of culture this study focused on two main events: the Independence Day celebration on 21 March 2006 and a funeral that was held earlier in the month of January. During the study two particular media through which cultural ideas are negotiated, language and clothing were observed.</p>

In this dissertation I argue that Australia's administration of Aboriginal Affairs since 1897 has operated from a premise of non-recognition under policies of assimilation. It is argued and demonstrated that government initiatives have merely undergone technical adjustments designed to retain assimilationist practices, rather than advance the recognition of Aboriginal people in Australia as Aboriginal people. In terms of agenda and policy, non-Aboriginal values, perspectives and assumptions dominate and control the power of definition. This domination has characterised Aboriginal relations with the state through the colonial experience, federation and contemporary practices. However, the most significant 'change' in this relationship is the co-optation of Aboriginal people into non-Aboriginal administrative structures on the assumption that such mechanisms can adequately accommodate Aboriginal rights and interests.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.