Founded in the eighth Century CE by Anan ben David, the basic tenet of this breakaway Jewish sect was that the Bible was the only divine script. Over the ensuing years, a long line of sages consolidated this dictum, establishing a set of rules which at times was even more rigid than the Rabbanite teachings they had rejected. From the tenth to the twentieth centuries the Karaites were dispersed and persecuted as were their Rabbanite brethren. By the middle of the 20th century, their largest settlement, a flourishing community in Egypt, came to an end with the eruption of hostilities between Israel and her Arab neighbours. Most of this community settled in Israel where they met with opposition or indifference from the Rabbanite establishment. This work describes the history of the Karaites, their present situation and the barriers they have overcome in the fulfillment of their special brand of Judaism. / Religious Studies and Arabic / M.A. (Semitics)

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Submitted by Jordan (jordanbiblio@gmail.com) on 2017-01-18T14:38:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2015_Raquel Furtunato da Silva.pdf: 5798025 bytes, checksum: 0b9f4ce15943bfc885b3254566c3817e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jordan (jordanbiblio@gmail.com) on 2017-01-19T12:30:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2015_Raquel Furtunato da Silva.pdf: 5798025 bytes, checksum: 0b9f4ce15943bfc885b3254566c3817e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-19T12:30:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2015_Raquel Furtunato da Silva.pdf: 5798025 bytes, checksum: 0b9f4ce15943bfc885b3254566c3817e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-06-18 / CAPES / Esta pesquisa teve por objetivo identificar, por meio de fontes documentais, disponibilizadas no arquivo da Escola, Liceu Cuiabano, informações sobre a presença de alunos negros nos bancos escolares na década de 40. A investigação recaiu sobre a turma ingressante no ano de 1942 (os formandos de 1945), do curso Ginasial do Liceu Cuiabano. Essa turma foi a primeira turma a se licenciar no novo prédio de ensino, instalado no ano de 1944. A pesquisa é respaldada na perspectiva histórica cultural e teve como instrumentos metodológicos o estudo documental das fontes, a pesquisa bibliográfica e as contribuições da memória individual e coletiva. Os depoimentos das famílias dos alunos negros foram de suma importância para compreender o período histórico vivido e o caminho percorrido por esses alunos ao ingressarem na instituição e após sair dela ao lançar-se a vida, em melhores condições. / The goal of the research was to identify, through documentary sources available in the school archives of Liceu Cuiabano and in the Public Archives of Mato Grosso, information about the presence of black students on school benches in the 1940s. We will limit it to the newcomer high school class of 1942 (the graduates of 1945) of Liceu Cuiabano. This class was the first one to graduate in the new school building, installed in 1944. The integration of black students in public education of Mato Grosso is evident, however, it does not characterize the school as a democratic institution or as anti-racist. The research is supported by the culturalhistorical perspective and, as methodology, it was held documentary and bibliographical research and it also had contributions of individual and collective memory. The testimonies of the families of black students were of paramount importance to understand how that historical period was lived and the path taken by those students when they joined the institution and when they left it to launch themselves in a life of better conditions.

This study seeks to ascertain whether Chinese soft power can shape or sway the sense of belonging and identity of Uighurs within the Chinese state. The methodology used for this study will involve surveys and interviews, employing the two primary quantitative and qualitative methods. The findings from this study suggest that Chinese soft power, in the form of education in a controlled environment, does have this ability to sway Uighur to identify with the Chinese state. However, gauging the views of the wider educated Uighur community, indicates that the effectiveness of Chinese soft power is constrained by multiple social, political and economic issues. Based on the analysis of these findings, there appears to be three potential solutions: (i) create a multi-ethnic culture, (ii) incorporate civic nationalism as a component of PRC citizenship and (iii) to reformulate soft power into the form of shared goals that would require cooperation between Uighur and Hans to accomplish.

Orientador: Milton Lahuerta / Banca: Gabriel Henrique Burnatelli de Antonio / Banca: Lucileia Aparecida Colombo / Resumo: O objetivo deste trabalho é discutir a perspectiva social da população negra na representação política em instâncias decisórias e identificar um reflexo da agenda de luta antirracista. A partir do conceito de representação especial de grupo, de Iris Marion Young, este trabalho buscou identificar, em prerrogativas do agente político, o encaminhamento de demandas sociais. A perspectiva social dos grupos sub-representados pode ser reconhecida na ação e no exercício de representar. Além de reconhecer uma agenda de luta antirracista da população oprimida, foram identificadas diretrizes institucionais que remetem ao reconhecimento e à representação, mas que esbarram ainda na estrutura que edifica desigualdades socioestruturais na sociedade brasileira. Nesse sentido, a instituição política permanece em busca de mudanças significativas na dinâmica social da população. Os diversos indicadores de vulnerabilidade da população negra brasileira, no entanto, indicam uma marginalização social, econômica e, sobretudo, política. Para qualificar esta análise, tornou-se necessário conceber a perspectiva sócio-histórica do negro, a partir dos estudos de Florestan Fernandes e Carlos Hasenbalg, além de apresentar uma configuração geral do movimento negro organizado na construção da agenda antirracista. Fez-se indispensável também considerar as diretrizes jurídicas para espelhar o reconhecimento e qualificar a hipótese da sub-representação, ao passo que se verificam o exercício no Congresso Naciona... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The objective of this work is to discuss the social perspective of the black population in political representation in decision-making bodies and to identify a reflection of the antiracist agenda. From the concept of special group representation, by Iris Marion Young, this work search for identify, in the prerogatives of the political agent, the referral of social demands. The social perspective of underrepresented groups can be recognized in action and in the exercise of representing. Besides acknowledging an agenda of antiracist struggle of the oppressed population, institutional guidelines were identified that refer to recognition and representation, but which still run into the structure that builds socio-structural inequalities in Brazilian society. In this sense, the political institution remains looking for significant changes in the social dynamics of the population. Several indicators of vulnerability of the Brazilian black population, however, indicate a social, economic and, above all, political marginalization. In order to qualify this analysis, it became necessary to conceive the socio-historical perspective of the black, from the studies of Florestan Fernandes and Carlos Hasenbalg, besides presenting a general configuration of the black movement organized in the construction of the anti-racist agenda. It was also necessary to consider the legal guidelines to mirror the recognition and qualify the hypothesis of under-representation, while the exercise in the Nati... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-07T15:08:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 859244 bytes, checksum: ca2ceee7de89c8c10c2bf1cc82bc41be (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-11-30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This study proposes to analyze the discourse of teachers about black students after the implementation of the Federal Law 10.639/2003, which made obligatory the teaching of African history and culture in formal education. In a specific way, we intend to identify the teacher s discourse about black students after this law, as well as the effects of sense produced by the teacher s discourse about black students and comprehend the teacher s discourse after this law, in order to understand the effects of sense produced by this law in the teacher s practice. Is assumed that this law, like all discourse, comes from many statements coming from the same discursive formation , formed in different socio-historical contexts, controlling what should be said or not in a given space-time. We made use of the epistemology of Cultural Studies that, as a field of knowledge, deal with issues related to identity and difference and has as main point for its studies the relationship between contemporary culture and society, and from a social point of view, make possible to analyze meanings and the values implicit and explicit in a way of life. Using a qualitative approach, we had as a basis the tenets of Discourse Analysis, trying to highlight the voices of 05 teachers from three schools of João Pessoa by means of semi-structured interviews, in order to understand the effects of meaning in their teaching practice. The research corpus is composed by law, DCNs (national curriculum guidelines) of Racial and Ethnic Relations Education, National Plan for Implementation of the these DCNs and the political pedagogical project of one public school. The research results leads us to recognize the urgent need to monitor the implementation of Law 10.639/03 through a teacher training which enables a regard of teachers on black students able to promote changes in the filed of education of racial and ethnic relations. / Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar o discurso dos (as) professores (as) sobre estudantes negros (as) depois da implementação da Lei 10.639/03 em escola pública. De forma específica, nesse cenário, pretendemos: identificar o discurso do professor sobre estudantes negros (as); identificar os efeitos de sentido produzidos pelo seu discurso a respeito dos (as) estudantes negros (as) pós-implementação da Lei; analisar o discurso do (a) professor (a), a fim de entendermos os efeitos de sentido produzidos por essa lei na prática docente. Partimos do pressuposto de que essa lei, como todo discurso, provém de diversos enunciados oriundos de uma mesma formação discursiva constituída em diferentes contextos sócio-históricos, que controlam o que deve ser dito ou não em um espaço-tempo específico. Recorremos à epistemologia dos Estudos Culturais que, como campo de conhecimento, preocupa-se com temas relacionados à identidade e à diferença, tendo como principal eixo para seus estudos a relação entre cultura contemporânea e sociedade. A partir de uma ótica social, são analisadas as significações e os valores implícitos e explícitos de um modo de vida. Numa perspectiva de abordagem qualitativa, ancoramo-nos nos pressupostos da Análise de Discurso, procurando evidenciar as vozes de cinco professores (as) de três escolas municipais de João Pessoa, por meio de entrevistas semiestruturadas, com o propósito de entender os efeitos de sentido em sua prática docente. O corpus da pesquisa constituiu-se da legislação, das DCNs da Educação das Relações Etnicorraciais, do Plano Nacional de Implementação das DCNs da Educação das Relações Etnicorraciais e do Projeto Político- pedagógico de uma das escolas. O resultado da pesquisa nos leva a reconhecer que é urgente o acompanhamento da implementação da Lei 10.639/03, através de uma formação docente que possibilite um olhar do (a) professor (a) sobre estudantes negros (as) capaz de fomentar mudanças no campo da educação das relações etnicorraciais.

The objective of this study is to describe and analyze the management of communal conflict in the Middle East, focusing on the Kurds. To this end, an effort is made to examine (1) the means that have been used to manage the Kurdish conflict by Middle Eastern countries; (2) the degree of success or failure of applied measures and (3) possible explanations for the first two questions.

The causes of violent conflicts in Ethiopia in general, and in Gambella in particular, are complex. Critically examining and explaining the causes entails going beyond labelling them solely in terms of one variable, such as 'ethnic conflict‘. The contestation of the study is that contemporary conflicts in Ethiopia have remained protracted, untransformed and recurring. This is largely because the past processes which gave rise to them were not properly taken into account and not properly comprehended, thereby giving rise to much superficiality in their explanations, inappropriate policies and a failure of efforts at apprehending them. The thesis identifies four major factors and two contrasting narratives which have framed the analysis of conflict complexity in Gambella. Qualitatively designed, the study focuses mainly on the structural causes of violent conflicts since 1991 and how their constituent elements were conceived and explained by different actors. First, asymmetrical centre-periphery relations entrenched in the state building processes of the imperial and military regimes, continued under the present regime rendering Gambella an object of extraction and repression. Consequently, competing claims of ownership of Gambella between the Anywaa and the Nuer ethnic groups evolved entailing shifting allegiances to the central government. Second, ethnic politics of the new social contract ushered in a new thinking of ‗each ethnic group for itself‘; it made ethnic federalism a means of consolidating the regime‘s political philosophy, depriving the local community of a genuine political representation, leading to broader, deeper and more serious violence. Third, land policy of the incumbent favoured its political party affiliates and foreign investors, thus inducing more violence. Finally, external dynamics impacted on internal conflict complexity. The study has argued that single factor approaches are inadequate to explain what has constituted violent conflicts in Gambella since 1991; it has concluded that internal conflicts are complex, and their constituent elements are conceived of, and explained, differently by the local peoples and different levels of government. Nevertheless, given commitment and a political will, the local and national governments, as well as peoples at grassroots level, have the capacity to transform the present, and to prevent future violent conflicts in the region.