<p> This research stems from my questioning regarding the lack of research of precolonial archaeological sites and their almost complete absence in the new industry of tourism. I chose my field site on the city of Granada because of the historical importance in the economy of the country, its foundation as the first establishment of Spanish colonizers, and its centrality today in Nicaraguan tourism. Babb (2004) argues that the introduction to tourism industry provides the opportunity to the Nicaraguan government to remake its image to the outside. This remaking of the country&rsquo;s image will affect how Nicaraguans view themselves. In that sense my main question is: what are the effects of tourism on the identity of granadinos? I argue that the Nicaraguan government takes an active position in presenting tourists with a modernized (not indigenous or black) Nicaraguan community by silencing their past and present, and presenting to tourists only the European heritage of the country; such narratives gives a partial representation of the Nicaraguan identity to foreign visitors; at the same time it projects and naturalizes Nicaraguan identity as &ldquo;mestizo.&rdquo; I conclude tourism narratives are reinforcing a mestizo identity through the colonial heritage. Young mestizos as well as indigenous people continue to admire and emulate foreigners&rsquo; accents, clothing, sports, hairdo, etcetera.. I believed that the reason for these changes were rooted in the introduction of tourism and new cultural expressions, however, from this research I concluded that is rooted in the effects of the colonial period on the identity of the population. For centuries the Spanish crown and later the national governments eroded the foundation of the indigenous identity, thus the origins of mestizo identity as well. Thereby creating an identity crisis among both ethnic groups and a deep tension on the subject of identity, furthering the racialization of indigenous and Afro-descendant communities. Mestizaje successfully silenced indigenous populations, and ignored the indigenous origin of mestizos. However, currently mestizos do participate in indigenous cultural expressions departing from the hegemonic concept of mestizo - as in complete opposition to indigenous identity -, although they deny or ignore and racialize indigenous people. I consider that the introduction of tourism has brought changes in the Nicaraguan population. The government narratives based on colonial identities create a new environment where colonial relationships are reproduced. In my opinion this is a negative impact of tourism, however, it may lead to new conversations about colonialist interactions, ethnic identity and racism that remain covert in the everyday lives of Nicaraguans. </p>

<p> This project looked at the experience of 14 interracial couples who are connected with Fort Lee Gospel Church and a second multiethnic church. The question being addressed was whether or not a multiethnic church was better positioned to minister to an interracial couple than a mono-ethnic church. The questions were organized around the topic of general opposition, or failure to belong, experienced by interracial couples, how interracial couples experienced various churches, and how they experienced belonging in a multiethnic church. The experience of belonging was organized around five constructs: verbal affirmation, sense of commonality, feelings of inclusion, feelings of positive regard, and absence of prejudice or racism. On each of these constructs it was determined that an ethnically diverse church is a better setting for interracial couples to experience belonging. In addition, the transcultural experience of interracial couples uniquely equips them to help overcome racial differences that naturally occur within a multiethnic church.</p>

<p> Located in South America, and being a post-colonial Dutch colony, Suriname has an ethnically diverse population of transplants. After its independence in 1975, Suriname underwent gruesome civil unrest while ruled by a Militia coup that killed specific ethnic groups for claiming their own identities, juxtaposed to its acceptance of ethnic diversity. The film, <i>Suriname&rsquo;s Identity Construction and Negotiation</i> by Danielle Celeste Castillo, follows a select group of people who claim to be Surinamese and something else, as they reject or claim prescribed forms of identities further negating ethnicity and nationality&rsquo;s relationship with a person&rsquo;s internal and external selves. This project shows identity is fluid and also fixed depending on the context while also expanding anthropological, psychological and sociological works on ethnic and national identities.</p>

No description available.

<p> This dissertation reads twentieth and twenty-first century U.S. multicultural literatures, women&rsquo;s literature, and science-fiction film and literature to identify a tradition of literary representation of long-standing patterns of economic entrapment in American cities.&rdquo; I argue that the capitalist ideologies of opportunity and spatial, economic, and social mobility associated with American cities have been largely false promises, and that literature provides an avenue to investigate the ideological matrices and cultural narratives that American capitalism uses to situate bodies where it needs them, primarily in urban centers. I claim that this entrapment remains more or less a constant in American cities despite the fact that both capitalism and the space of the city have radically changed since the late 1930s. I further claim that the persistence of this entrapment across different instantiations of both the American city and American capitalism speak to its normalization, acceptance, and the fact of its continuing legacy. As the ideological narratives are culturally projected as ones of the promise and freedom of mobility in cities, and as the historical conditions of entrapment have proven so resilient, literature and film have constituted important tools for exposing just how these capitalist ideologies generate consent for hegemonic capitalism. The dissertation seeks to understand how a large percentage of urban populations are interpellated by the very capitalist machinery which fixes them in space and class while simultaneously denying them the benefits of American capitalism.</p><p>

<p> Ska is a Caribbean born musical genre that was originally created from oppressive conditions and from where Caribbean slaves had used music to preserve African culture during colonial times. Such a context gave way to the emergence of a Rastafarian culture that created Ska, and even though it is a music of past times, it is now adopted, transformed, and rearticulated by Latinxs in Los Angeles into new conditions and into new dialogues. By drawing on Antonio Gramsci&rsquo;s theories of common sense and subalternity, I advance that through the musical realm the racially oppressed create spaces of solidarity where they identify collective antagonisms and articulate inherited social symptoms. The racially oppressed organize spaces that push away from the antagonisms of social life and dance to rhythms that have historically developed in relation to structures of power. While not all songs express a relation to structures of power, the dialogical process that takes place in the Latinx Ska space is articulated from a community that has a history of inequality, displacement, and a policed existence; it is the cultural perspective of the historically oppressed. This thesis explores Los Angeles Latinx Ska as a cultural formation that articulates contemporary contradictions through a rhythmic common sense that in turn creates the avenues to articulate and struggle for hegemony.</p><p>

<p> This dissertation summarizes 22 months of field research beginning February 2015 and ending October 2016 among Nashville's undocumented Hispanic community. The goal of this project was to understand and identify the barriers this population encounters in utilizing the U.S. legal system using both qualitative and quantitative methods. Initial research consisted of formal, recorded individual and group interviews of 26 undocumented Hispanics and 15 key informants who work closely with Nashville's undocumented community. In addition, hundreds of other undocumented immigrants were observed and informally interviewed during this time. Once saturation was reached in the interviews, the qualitative prong of the research ended. All recorded interviews were transcribed and coded and various themes were identified. The qualitative data revealed eight common themes barring the undocumented community's utilization of the legal system. These were: 1) fear of deportation, 2) structural barriers, 3) cultural barriers, 4) real and perceived discrimination, 5) unawareness of legal rights, 6) unawareness of legal processes and structure, 7) lack of community empowerment, and 8) lack of specific legal self-efficacy. </p><p> To confirm the qualitative findings, a 69-item survey instrument was prepared and administered to a non-randomized sample of 350 undocumented Hispanic immigrants living in the Nashville area. The survey's quantitative data confirmed the existence of these eight barriers in varying degrees among the respondents. The survey data indicated the isolated effect of each identified barrier varied amongst individuals based on such factors as life experience, current political climate, and demographics. This research indicated that there is no lone barrier keeping the undocumented community from utilizing the U.S. legal system. Rather, it is the intersectionality of these barriers working in unison, which bars Nashville's undocumented community from utilizing the legal system.</p><p>

No description available.

In 1767 David Zeisberger began his Moravian mission to the Delaware Indians in Ohio. He led this mission until his death in 1808. While Zeisberger and his assistants required conformity in matters religious, the converts did not have to make enormous changes in their traditional beliefs. The Delaware converts also did not have to alter their traditional economic, medical, housing, and diplomatic practices.;The goal of this study is to understand why hundreds of Delawares chose to convert, and why as many more chose to live at the mission. Many Delawares hoped to return to the peaceful life they had previously enjoyed. Many chiefs joined the mission and maintained their influence within the mission structure, and many followed these important men to the mission, believing that the latter must "know something right." Others joined the mission because family members had converted. Many came to live at the mission to escape the destruction and danger of the revolutionary war, while others came to find an escape from the increasing disruption of drunkenness and witchcraft.;Previous studies have failed either to study the full chronological scope of the mission or have made serious errors in their conclusions. Unlike previous studies, it analyzes the structure and operations of the mission and the changes that were required of the converts.;Zeisberger's success lay not only in the numbers of converts he gained but also in the relationships he forged with the Delaware and other Indian nations of Ohio. Even in the worst of circumstances, the Delaware converts chose to remain with or rejoin the mission. at all times Zeisberger managed to maintain friendly relations with most nations, even during times of war. Because of his leadership and tolerance, the converts continued to identify themselves as Delaware Indians; altering their religion did not remove their primary identity nor their sense of loyalty to their people. The converts, although now Moravian in faith, remained Delawares.

abstract: My thesis argues that an unrecognized genre existed in classical Chinese painting, one which I call “ethnic" or "minority painting.” The genre of ethnic painting consistently displays certain styles and cultural values and is meant to represent unique ethnic identities. These ideas have not been substantially covered by previous research on Qing dynasty painting. My research raises three main questions: was there a distinct genre in traditional Chinese painting that could be called “ethnic art” (or "minority art")? How did ethnic art distinguish itself within Chinese painting? What were the ethnic identities presented by minority artists from ethnic groups within and outside of China? The materials used for this research include a close visual study of six paintings by Lang Shining (Giuseppe Castiglione) from the Cleveland Museum of Art, the Munich Residenz in Germany and the Musée Guimet in France. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Art History 2019