Thesis advisor: Robert Murphy / The primary goal of the European Union is to promote a high degree of competition between regions in an effort to allow for the creation of the single market. In the year 2004, the EU had allowed ten new member states to enter into the European Union. This paper looks at the potential positive or negative impact from entering into partnership with the EU. It looks at convergence between EU member states and a potential treatment effect in order to determine that this is indeed a localized phenomenon in the EU or is there a general convergence between all countries. The paper uses a fixed effects approach in order to determine the impact of partnership and use of the Euro within the EU. I find evidence of convergence and a positive benefit from partnership; however, using the Euro appears to have a negative impact on countries. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2015. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Departmental Honors. / Discipline: Economics.

This paper analyses the structure of the European income inequality by a decompo-sition in a within- and between-component. It illustrates a replication of the work of Beblo and Knaus (Rev Income Wealth 47(3):301-333, 2001) and decomposes the income inequality for the EU-28 in 2014 by using data from the European Survey on Income and Living Conditions. The Theil index is applied to additively decom-pose the sources of inequality into a within- and between-component by countries, country groups and demographic groups. This is done by using equivalised dispos-able household income and income before transfers and taxes. The results show that inequality, with regard to disposable income, is highest for households with house-hold heads older than 59 years and lowest for households with children. Moreover, high income countries have lower inequality, higher social expenditures and show a stronger relative reduction of income inequality after transfers and taxes than low income countries. On country group level, Social-Democratic countries have the lowest income inequality and redistribute most, while the opposite holds true for Baltic countries.

La coopération entre l'Union Européenne et les Etats ACP a officiellement commencé depuis le Traité de Rome de 1957 à travers les différentes conventions internationales (Yaoundé, Lomé et Cotonou. Cette coopération n'a pas fondamentalement changé de nature malgré les nombreux changements apportés. L'ouverture très large aux Etats ACP d'une relation initialement limitée aux anciennes colonies françaises, n'a pas eu d'impact sur le caractère inégalitaire de ce type de rapport comme en témoigne l'insertion de clauses de constitutionnalité politique et financière de plus en plus contraignantes. Il en découle que les mécanismes de coopération s'emboîtent les uns dans les autres et que leur bon fonctionnement ou tout simplement leur fonctionnement normal demeure subordonné à des considérations politiques, ou plutôt géopolitiques pour ne pas dire à des conditions idéologiques. Il va sans dire que malgré le phénomène de mondialisation et l'ouverture de l'Afrique à de nouveaux partenaires essentiellement ceux des pays émergents, la coopération entre l'Union Européenne et les Etats ACP en particulier le Sénégal, conserve, plus de cinq décennies après les indépendances une empreinte néo coloniale. L'aide publique au développement essentielle se réduit comme peau de chagrin dans la mesure ou l'Union européenne ne semble plus se préoccupée des questions de développement des pays ACP dont le Sénégal. La diminution du montant du 10éme FED vient apporter un éclairage sur ce manque d'intérêt affiché par l'Europe.Cette coopération s'appuie désormais sur certains grands principes imposés par l'Union Européenne pour mieux asseoir sa suprématie à l'effet de maintenir ces Etats dans une sorte de dépendance.La question de la dette qui est au coeur même de cette question est plus que d'actualité dans la mesure ou elle constitue un moyen de pression de l'Europe pour dicter certaines conduites aux Etats ACP.Ces difficultés ont en partie obligés les pays ACP à se tourner de plus en plus vers d'autres partenaires moins regardant sur certaines questions tenant aux droits de l'Homme, aux libertés publique, et à la démocratie. IL s'agit principalement de la Chine, de l'Inde, du Brésil qui sont de nouveaux acteurs sur la scène internationale et qui prennent beaucoup de place jadis occupée par l'Union Européenne.Pour reprendre sa place, l'Union Européenne doit régler certaines questions liées à la dette, aux constitutionnalités politiques et économiques. Les conséquences des programmes d'ajustement structurels sont toujours ressenties comme un échec de la politique de l'Union Européenne au niveau des pays ACP.Dés lors, méme avec l'avènement de nouveaux acteurs non-étatiques, la coopération entre l'Union Européenne et les Etats ACP dont le Sénégal mérite d'être repensée pour que les Objectifs du Millénaire pour le Développement puissent être atteints. / Cooperation between the European Union and the ACP States officially started since the Treaty of Rome in 1957 through various international conventions (Yaoundé, Lomé and Cotonou. Such cooperation has not fundamentally changed in nature despite the many changes. The large opening of the ACP relationship initially limited to former French colonies, had no impact on the inequality of this type of relationship as evidenced by the inclusion of constitutional clauses political and financial increasingly stringent. It follows that the cooperation mechanisms fit into each other and their proper functioning or simply normal operation remains subject to political considerations, or rather not to say geopolitical conditions ideological . It goes without saying that despite the phenomenon of globalization and the opening up of Africa to new partners mainly in emerging countries, cooperation between the European Union and the ACP States in particular Senegal, retains more than five decades after independence neo-colonial footprint. official development assistance is essential reduced to a trickle in the measure or the European Union seems more concerned about development issues in ACP countries including Senegal. Reducing the amount the 10th EDF has shed light on the lack of interest shown by Europe.This cooperation is now based on certain principles imposed by the European Union to better establish its supremacy to maintain the effect of these states in a kind of addiction.The issue of debt is at the heart of this issue is more than relevant in so far as it is a means to pressure Europe to dictate certain behaviors ACP States.These difficulties have forced some ACP countries to turn increasingly to other partners looking less on certain issues to human rights, public freedoms, and democracy. IT is mainly from China, India, Brazil are new actors on the international scene and take up much space once occupied by the European Union.To take his place, the European Union must address some issues related to debt, constitutionnalités political and economic. Consequences of structural adjustment programs are still perceived as a failure of the policy of the European Union and ACP.From then on, same with the advent of new non-state actors, the cooperation between the European Union and the ACP States, including Senegal should be rethought for the Millennium Development can be achieved.

The European Commission has been negotiating Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with Regional Economic Communities of African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States since 2002. The outcomes have been mixed. The negotiations with the Caribbean Forum (CARIFORUM) concluded rather more quickly than was initially envisaged, whereas negotiations with West African Economic Community (ECOWAS) and the remaining ACP regions have been dragging on for several years. This research consequently addresses the key question of what accounts for the variations in the EPA negotiation outcomes, making use of a comparative research approach. It evaluates the explanatory power of three research variables in accounting for the variation in the EPA negotiations outcomes – namely, Best Alternative to the Negotiated Agreement (BATNA); negotiation strategies; and the issues linkage approach – which are deduced from negotiation theory. Principally, the study finds that, the outcomes of the EPA negotiations predominantly depended on the presence or otherwise of a “Best Alternative” to the proposed EPA; that is then complemented by the negotiation strategies pursued by the parties, and the joint application of issues linkage mechanism which facilitated a sense of mutual benefit from the agreements.

O deslocamento forçado de pessoas em decorrência de conflitos bélicos, dentre outros motivos, constitui um dos dramas mais impactantes da nossa época. Após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, os direitos humanos passam a possuir um grau mais alto de juridicidade, concretude, positividade e eficácia, e entre os direitos humanos positivados encontram-se os direitos dos refugiados. O princípio de non-refoulement, sedimentado na Convenção de 1951 sobre refugiados, expressa que um indivíduo perseguido não pode ser devolvido ao seu perseguidor. Existem interpretações jurídicas destoantes em relação a este princípio. Isto se deve à falta de conceitos comuns e pacíficos sobre os termos constituintes deste instituto, além de discussões referentes à aplicação territorial. Os instrumentos internacionais de proteção ao refugiado foram estabelecidos em decorrência de situações específicas dos países desenvolvidos. A partir disso, os desafios humanitários e relativos a populações deslocadas se alteraram no decorrer do último século, e os instrumentos legais internacionais não evoluíram de forma a prevenir a erosão da proteção efetiva a essa população minoritária. O presente trabalho propõe-se a realizar uma análise do Direito Internacional dos Refugiados na perspectiva da União Europeia atual. O objeto central do trabalho é duplo: (1) o estudo do instituto do refúgio, a análise de seus fundamentos jurídicos, com foco no princípio de non-refoulement, com uma breve explanação sobre a sua evolução histórica e fontes e (2) a análise do acordo UE-TURQUIA, o qual prevê a Turquia como país terceiro seguro. Os institutos de terceiro país seguro e primeiro país de asilo são atenuantes do princípio de non-refoulement. A análise da Turquia como país terceiro seguro terá como base os conceitos sedimentados na Diretiva Europeia referente aos procedimentos de Asilo. / The forced displacement of people as a result of war conflicts is one of the most shocking dramas of our time. After World War II, human rights have a higher degree of juridicity, concreteness and effectiveness. The principle of non-refoulement, the most important right codified in the 1951 Convention on Refugees, states that a persecuted individual cannot be returned towards his persecutor. There are different legal interpretations in relation to this principle. This is due to the lack of common and established concepts about the constituent terms of this institute, as well as discussions regarding to territorial application. International refugee protection instruments were settled as a result of specific situations in developed countries. Hence, humanitarian and displacement challenges have shifted over the past century, and international legal instruments have not evolved to ensure the effective protection for this minority population. The present work proposes to carry out an analysis of the International Refugee Law from the perspective of the current situation in European Union. The central object of the work is twofold: (1) the study of the refuge institute, the analysis of its legal foundations, focusing on the principle of non-refoulement, with a brief explanation of its historical evolution and sources; (2) The EU-TURKEY agreement, which establishes Turkey as a safe third country. The institutes of safe third country and first country of asylum assuages the principle of non-refoulement. The analysis of Turkey as a safe third country will be based on the concepts laid down in the European Directive on Asylum Procedures.

This thesis analyses the evolution of the EU legal regulatory framework for electronic communications in light of the changes in the law's technological and business environment, namely the shift to Next Generation Networks (NGN). Using systems theory as its central research method, the thesis explores communications law as a self-referential phenomenon which, despite its internal attempts to promote itself by means of responding to the changing environment, remains locked-in by its own autopoietic structures. This is demonstrated by the law's traditional focus on voice telephony as the essential communications service provided in the public interest. Whereas the idea of 'technological neutrality' has enabled the law to embrace new applied technologies such as VoIP, it could not move its attention away from its autopoietic concepts to NGN-related issues such as net neutrality. Even though legal concepts without reference to any particular technology are increasingly used in regulation, as is the case with competition law images of 'relevant markets' and 'market power', the shift to NGN only remains visible to the law on its 'internal screen'. This becomes evident when the implementation of new technologies fails to achieve the results implied by the legal system, namely effective competition among different access infrastructures. Systems theory keeps a distance from both neo-liberal ideas that ideologically reject regulation, as well as from the autopoiesis of the NRAs' and the Commission's harmonising efforts, which inevitably result in more legal rules. Whereas the 'efficiency' of NGN investments cannot be implied based on the mere absence of ex ante regulation, the expected further proliferation of regulation based on the law's autopoietic programmes, although more cognitively open than before, will not be able to take on board all (possibly desirable) solutions that are not foreseen by the EU legal framework.

After briefly examining the history of trade marks and establishing the theoretical framework of trade mark functions, an analysis from the perspective of semiotics is conducted, viewing the trade mark as a sign. This analysis serves as a tool for the suggestions and conclusions drawn in relation to the role of trade mark law today. The issues of trade mark registration, use and protection are examined, as main facets of the trade mark functions. An analysis of the legal provisions, legal doctrine and case law on trade mark registration and use in Greece, before and after the entry into force of the First Council Directive on the Harmonisation of trade mark laws in Europe 89/104/EEC is undertaken, so as to denote the effect of the European harmonisation on these issues. The Court of Justice case law is examined, in juxtaposition to the Greek case law on the respective implementing provisions. The similarities and differences are noted and analysed. Throughout, examples from a common law jurisdiction, namely the UK, are taken into account. The issues of risk of confusion and dilution are analytically examined at a national (Greek) and European level. In comparison to the Court of Justice jurisprudence, the national legal framework and case law of Greece on these issues is analysed. Examples from other European jurisdictions are taken into account. The theory of dilution in the context of the European trade mark framework is further analysed against developments in the USA. The controversial doctrine of trade mark dilution, introduced by Fr. I. Schechter, is of primary interest in the course of the thesis and suggestions are made for a new perspective of the theory. The controversial doctrine of Schechter is seen, in view of the above, under a new light.

No description available.

It is generally assumed that the EU law regime excludes arbitration from its scope, since issues of EU law must be resolved within the EU legal order, according to the wording of the Treaties and the case law of the CJEU. It is also assumed that courts offer adequate and effective protection to litigants, thus arbitration does not make any further contribution to parties. This thesis challenges these ontological assumptions, using the case of bank depositors, and aims to investigate whether courts within the EU protect bank depositors effectively or whether arbitration would offer further protection. For this purpose, the nature of bank deposits is considered, and the approach of courts and arbitrators towards depositors are comparatively analysed, based on effectiveness of protection, as the appropriate tool of assessment. The findings of this examination lead to the final research question regarding the role, if any, of arbitration within the EU legal order and the relationship between arbitration and litigation, in particular within the context of the global financial crisis. Thus, the central argument of this thesis is that, if it is accepted that arbitration does have a place in the EU legal order, and based on the argument that bank deposits qualify as investment, bank depositors can enjoy the protection offered by international investment arbitration, which can protect them more effectively than litigation The originality of this work centers around three points. Firstly, this thesis aims to use the principle of effectiveness in a substantial sense rather than its procedural meaning, considering whether individuals do not only access the justice, but also being remedied effectively. Secondly, this thesis argues that bank deposits can be treated as investment, thus depositors could enjoy further protection offered by investment law. Finally, the thesis supports that the EU law regime does have some place available for arbitration, albeit its traditional exclusion, especially during the particular period of the financial crisis.

A crítica de Habermas à União Europeia no que concerne seu processo político de integração é de inegável importância na contribuição tanto do pensamento habermasiano quanto dos estudos europeus. Partindo-se desta premissa, o presente trabalho tem por objetivo abordar cronologicamente toda a reflexão do filósofo a fim de apresentar suas críticas nos momentos cruciais do bloco. Inicialmente, analisa-se o diagnóstico do autor do paradigma sistêmico no período de formação da união política, e sua resposta aos desafios do bloco à época: o patriotismo constitucional. Segue-se com os momentos da discussão do Tratado Constitucional e a inflexão da crítica habermasiana ao introduzir o conceito de solidariedade como perspectiva para as turbulências vividas pela União Europeia. Por fim, trata-se da crítica mais recente do filósofo com relação à atual estrutura política, firmada em Lisboa. Sua narrativa da juridificação democrática elucida como arquitetar uma teoria democrática transnacional que atenda às deficiências que o projeto de integração revelou. Ao final será esclarecido como Habermas enxerga as saídas da legitimidade democrática ao longo da integração europeia, sempre acompanhando o diagnóstico do autor seguido de suas respostas. / Habermas\'s criticism of the European Union (EU) in what regards its political process of integration is of undeniable importance in the contribution for both Habermas and European studies. In this regard, the present work aims to address chronologically the considerations of the philosopher in order to present his point of views regarding crucial moments of the EU development. Initially, we analyze Habermass diagnosis of a systemic paradigm within the period of the EUs political union formation, followed by his response to the challenges of the organization at the time, giving rise to the concept of constitutional patriotism. The work continues with the period of the discussion of the Constitutional Treaty and the turning point of the Habermasian critique by introducing the notion of solidarity as a perspective for the turbulences experienced by the EU. Finally, we turn to the author\'s more recent critique of the current political structure, established by the Lisbon Treaty. His narrative of democratic juridification elucidates how to architect a transnational democratic theory that meets the deficiencies that the integration project revealed. Finally it will be clarified how Habermas may explain possible perspectives for democratic legitimacy throughout European integration, always through the diagnosis made by the author, followed by his answers to the given problem.