This paper is dealing with a textual content analysis of extreme right and extreme left youth organizations. A methodological framework for the analysis is described in chapter one. A special attention is devoting to the content analysis method. Ideological and theoretical placement of extreme right and extreme left are discussed in chapter two. This chapter is also dealing with the particular associations (KSM, SMKČ, DM). The content analysis ant its results are presented in chapter three.

La thèse, par le concept opératoire d’extrémisme, propose l’étude du rapport entre engagement politique et expérimentalisme littéraire en Italie au cours des années soixante-dix, en explorant les liens entre l’aspiration révolutionnaire des mouvements socio-politiques d’extrême gauche et la recherche d’une relation renouvelée entre littérature et réalité. Le poète et romancier Nanni Balestrini [1935-], membre de la Néo-avant-garde des années soixante et militant de la gauche extra-parlementaire dans la décennie suivante, apparaît comme un auteur exemplaire de cette tension. Par l’analyse de sa production littéraire des années soixante-dix, un corpus riche qui n’a été que partiellement exploré jusqu’ici, il s’agit de démontrer la mise en œuvre d’un engagement dans et par le langage littéraire, l’élaboration d’une pratique subversive de l’écriture qui puisse revêtir en même temps une fonc! tion politique. En suivant un parcours chronologique rendant compte des évolutions inhérentes à cette problématique, l’on passe ainsi de la recherche d’une littérature « interne à la classe ouvrière » avec le roman Vogliamo tutto [1971], qui préfigure d’autres expériences de « littérature sauvage », à la mise en œuvre d’une fonction heuristique et de contre-information de la littérature avec Vivere a Milano [1976] et La violenza illustrata [1976]. L’analyse des Ballate della signorina Richmond [1977] rend compte des influences croisées de la poétique balestrinienne avec le dernier mouvement contestataire de la décennie, le Mouvement de 1977, qui place au coeur de sa réflexion et de sa pratique politique la subversion du langage ainsi que l’élaboration de nouvelles formes de communication / This work studies the relationship between political commitment and experimentalism in literature using the conceptual tool of extremism. It looks at how the revolutionary aspirations of the social political movements of the extreme left interconnected with the quest for a renewed liaison between literature and reality. A fitting example is the poet and novelist Nanni Balestrini [1935-] who was part of the new avant-garde movement during the 1960s and of the extreme left movements in the years that followed. His writings of that period hold a richness that has not yet been fully tapped. His use of language demonstrates his commitment to the practice of subversive writing as well as his political motivation. When the evolution of these works is followed, the emergence of an “interior working class” literature is observed. An example is the Vogliamo tutto [1971] novel, which foreshadows experiences from the “savage literature”. In addi! tion, works such as Vivere a Milano [1976] and La violenza illustrata [1976] exemplify heuristic and counter-information functions of the literature, while the analysis of Ballate della signorina Richmond shows how Balestrini’s poetics and those of the 1977 political movement significantly influenced each other. The subversion of the language and the production of new forms of communication appear thus to be at the core of political beliefs and reflections

The diploma thesis is focused on the ideology of anarcha-feminism. One of the goals is to study how actually works the linkage between anarchism and feminism and which elements are important and which are missing and how the ideology defers in time. The thesis has two parts - the first one is focused on historical phase of anarcha- feminism, especially on Emma Goldman, American anarchist philosopher, who is often labelled as the founder of this ideology; second part is concerned on Feministická skupina 8. března/Anarchofeministická skupina, contemporary anarcha-feminist collective in the Czech Republic. Feministická skupina 8. března/Anarchofeministická skupina (8 March Feminist Group/Anarchofeminist group) is the only collective in Czech history which adopted anarcha-feminist ideology. The thesis uses critical discourse analysis and also content analysis. In the first chapter we will analyze are Emma Goldman's essays that are concerned on feminist topics. In the second chapter we will critically analyze the publications of Anarchofeministická skupina - magazine Přímá cesta, Siréna, than the anarchist magazine A-kontra, and the websites of two current liberal feminist organizations in the Czech republic - Gender Studies, o.p.s. and Česká ženká lobby. The conclusion compares results of those...

The Diploma thesis focuses on examination of real interconnection between political extremism and hardcore fans of Bohemians 1905, Slavie Praha and Sparta Praha. The research itself is therefore concentrated primarily on people associated with political extremism and their relation to groups of ultras and hooligans and furthermore their influence on these groups. The theoretical part of the thesis introduces theory of political extremism, typology groups of people attending football games, their development and the reasons of their politicization. The analytical part elaborates particulary the different Prague football clubs and their fans. Part of the data is applied from fourteen half-structured interviews with ultras and hooligans representatives of these clubs. The goal of the thesis is to clarify the real scale of interconnection between political activists and hardcore fans on the one hand, and on the other hand to point out and explain the attempts of political extremist to penetrace into this enviroment and assess the degree of their success.

Questa ricerca si propone di contribuire ad una prima analisi storiografica del ciclo di protesta esploso in Italia nel 1977. A nove anni dal ’68, la contestazione tornò ad agitare le università e le piazze, lottando sul terreno della creatività e dell’ironia, ma esprimendo contestualmente una forte carica violenta. L’illegalità di massa e la guerriglia diffusa finirono infatti per ingrossare le fila del «partito armato» e del terrorismo. Il ‘movimento’ degli indiani metropolitani e delle P38, proprio in ragione di questa ambiguità, fatica ancora a trovare una descrizione esaustiva, mentre la sua escalation violenta è ancora in attesa di un’eziologia convincente. Questo studio tenta quindi, in primo luogo, di ricostruire un’immagine unitaria e realistica di quel fenomeno socio-politico, a partire dalle fonti del ‘movimento’ e dalle cronache. In secondo luogo, integra la variabile istituzionale nello studio della protesta, al fine di verificare quale grado di influenza ebbe lo Stato sui processi di riattivazione della mobilitazione e, soprattutto, sulla radicalizzazione dello scontro. Il focus dell’analisi è rappresentato dall’azione assai controversa del ministero dell’Interno, allora guidato da Francesco Cossiga, che viene qui ricostruita sulla base di documenti provenienti dagli archivi di Stato. Il policing of protest è infine messo a confronto con quello della Francia dei primi anni dopo il maggio ’68, quando l’estrema sinistra minacciò una deriva violenta ma si arrestò prima di passare all’atto. / his research aims to contribute to a first preliminary historiographical analysis of the cycle of protest which spread out in Italy in 1977. Nine years after 1968, revolts started again on in the streets and inside universities. This new wave of protest was characterized by the use of creativity and humour but also by the acceptance of the violence: illegal action and urban guerrilla warfare became quite common and contributed to the expansion of the red terrorism. As a matter of fact, this ‘movement’ shows an inherent ambiguity: it put together political emulators of Dadaism with old-styled armed revolutionaries. Therefore, it is still hard and an open challenge to find an inclusive description of it and the escalation of political violence is still waiting for a convincing aetiology. The objective of this is research is twofold. On the one hand, it tries to rebuild a coherent and realistic picture of this phenomenon under analysis, adopting insider sources of the ‘movement’ and chronicles. On the other hand, it aims at integrating the institutional variable in the study of the protest, in order to verify to which extent the State was can be held responsible for the mobilization processes and, especially, for the radicalization of the social conflict. The analysis is centred on the action of the ministry of Interior and based on records from State archives. The Italian policing of protest is finally compared with to the case study of France during the first years after May 68. At that time, extreme-left activists threatened a similar escalation of violence, but they came to a halt before shooting.