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Thesis (M.A.)--West Virginia University, 2009. / Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains iii, 82 p. : ill. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-82).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2003. Graduate Programme in Political Science. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 418-433). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ99263

A sudden rise in right wing parties has occurred throughout Europe, and this is no exception in Sweden. The Sweden Democrats have gone from a small, extremist party with founders who have roots in nazism and fascism, into the third largest party in Sweden. This study have analyzed articles from 2005, 2006, 2013, 2014, 2018 and 2021 in two of the biggest newspapers in Sweden, Aftonbladet and Expressen in order to discover patterns in media material that showcases how traditional and established media outlets such as the ones mentioned have changed, or not changed, their coverage surrounding The Sweden Democrats. The aim of the study is to analyze the apparent normalization of The Sweden Democrats through frames such as labeling, tonality and topics present in news articles from Aftonbladet and Expressen throughout their rise to power.The research questions were: Quantitative research question: - Has The Sweden Democrats been normalized in Aftonbladet and Expressen from 2005 to 2021 based on labeling, topic and tonality? If so, how? Qualitative research question:- What is the discourse(s) and frames surrounding The Sweden Democrats in Aftonbladet and Expressen in the consecutive years? In order to answer the quantitative research questions, and to fulfill the aim of the study, a content analysis was first done in a large number of articles throughout the years. In order to answer the qualitative research questions, a framing analysis with purposive sampling followed the content analysis, in order to take a closer look into the frames and discourses present in the material throughout the years. The findings of the study showed that there has been a shift in tonality, topics and labeling throughout the years. The findings showcased that the party in the beginning were labeled as extremists, while gradually becoming labeled as neutral and eventually established in the later years. This showcased a normalization of the party in the media throughout their rise in power.

COINTELPRO was a formidable and extremely controversial counterintelligence program conducted by the FBI from 1956 to 1971. Its exposure showcased the covert methods in which the FBI targeted US citizens it identified as threats to the internal and domestic security of the United States. Since the program's end, the FBI continues to explore and identify the current and potential threats to the United States. However, what exactly does this program say about the FBI at the time of its inception and what does it say about how it had classified threats? And what could it tell us about how it classifies threats today? This study examines how the FBI treated two identified targets of COINTELPRO, "black extremists" and "white hate groups", and whether the differences found between the treatment of the two targets as threats was a result of internal or external institutional factors. In conducting such study, I seek to determine if the factors that influence the Bureau's threat classification may have either been internal, a result of the Directors' influence or the influence of the organization's structure, culture, and/or function, or external, a result of the President's or Congress' influence. I hypothesize that the differing treatment of these targets, where "black extremists" were identified and prioritized as more of a threat than "white hate groups", was a result of internal institutional factors within the Bureau. Within this study, I examine reports and memos from the FBI database, the Vault, from 1968, to best determine which hypothesis is more accurate. / Master of Arts / COINTELPRO was a domestic counterintelligence conducted by the FBI from 1956 to 1971 that targeted American citizens deemed to be a threat to the internal security of the U.S. that were engaging in, in what the Bureau identified as, subversive activity. This program was controversial as it targeted American citizens using covert methods without the knowledge of the President, Congress, and the American public. Since the program's end, the FBI continues to identify and address domestic threats facing the United States today. However, what can this program tell us about how the FBI identified and classified threats during this time? And what can this tell us about how it addresses threats today? This study seeks to understand how the FBI treated two groups within COINTELPRO, "black extremists" and "white hate groups" and what factors may have influenced the treatment of these targets. In conducting such study, I seek to determine if the factors that influence the Bureau's threat classification may have either been internal, a result of the Directors' influence or the influence of the organization's structure, culture, and/or function, or external, a result of the President's or Congress' influence. I propose these two hypotheses and suggest that it is more likely that internal factors shaped the Bureau's threat classification and differing treatment of these groups. Within this study, I examine reports and memos from the FBI database, the Vault, from 1968 to determine which hypothesis is more accurate.

This thesis evaluates two theories purporting to explain the rise of right-wing extremism in the Midwest during the farm crisis of the 1980s. The pluralist argument suggests that Midwestern right-wing extremism was rooted in previous episodes of agrarian radicalism. The political tradition perspective, on the other hand, claims that right-wing extremism in the Midwest was rooted in traditional conservatism. To evaluate these theories, an analysis of ten counties was performed. Particular attention was paid to seven variables which theorists argue point agriculturally based communities down political paths of radicalism or conservatism. Regional analyses were also performed on those counties which resided in similar areas of the Midwest. The findings offer stronger support for the political tradition perspective than for the pluralist argument. These finding suggest that those counties in which right-wing extremist activity did not occur were ones which supported past agrarian radical movements while those counties which experienced right-wing extremism were for the most part opponents of past radical agrarian movements. The thesis suggests that future research on rightwing extremism should focus attention on the political traditions of the communities were such movements become established and that a number of alternative variables should be considered.

Violent right-wing groups have emerged in the German youth scene since reunification in 1990. By the early 1990's, many groups of people have had to face racist violence and harassment as a threatening part of everyday life. With the social, political, economic, demographical and ideological changes which have taken place across Europe, especially since the fall of the Communist systems in Eastern Europe, it becomes essential to consider their impact on individuals. A psychosocial approach to the subject of right-wing youth violence in Germany is adopted and will reveal that the concepts of identity formation have undergone changes not unlike the progressive changes of social structures after the second World War. Key sources for this thesis are works by Alfred Adler, Theodor W. Adorno, Bruno Bettelheim, Erik Erikson, Sigmund Freud, Erich Fromm, Stuart Hall, Dick Hebdige, Kenneth Kenniston, David Riesman and others. This approach will support the argument that youth violence is a side effect of developmental capitalism, the root causes of which emanate not from cultural contexts but rather from a variety of factors which lie within social structures. Subcultures absorb individuals who cannot function amid the dynamic social changes of capitalist development. Youth anger and anxiety is expressed as racist violence as young people seek someone to blame for their isolation from mainstream society. An analysis such as this one inevitably leads to larger issues regarding Germany's historical past, right-wing extremism in Europe and the International Nazi Cooperation network, which to some extent has also triggered and supported racist and right-wing youth violence. / Graduation date: 1997

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2002. / Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 176-194). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

Western nations continue to face potential attacks from violent extremist organizations waging a campaign of violence in the name of political Islam. Though these attacks are traditionally labeled as originating from abroad, leaders of these extremist organizations are utilizing a new tactic of radicalizing native or naturalized citizens from within Western countries in an effort to bypass the massive defensive security apparatus Western governments have put in place since the September 11 attacks. These undistinguishable citizens turned radical jihadists, better known as homegrown terrorists, represent a clear and present danger to the security of the United States. In an effort to understand the problem, this paper seeks to identify patterns common amongst these individuals and addresses the question "How does a Muslim youth become radicalized into a homegrown terrorist?" This research will use a case study approach to identify patterns of radicalization in convicted homegrown terrorist and test the hypothesis that a failure of integration will cause some Western Muslim youth to radicalize and in some cases, commit violent crimes of terrorism.