This thesis explores critically two central notions in the work of Ernesto Laclau: populism and hegemony. From analytical and strategic points of view, some incongruities stand out. For example, the conceptual proximity between the two often hinders their respective explanatory and political purchase. Moreover, Laclau's arguments in support of left-wing populism appear not to examine in sufficient depth some important issues, such as the non-necessary but also potentially problematic relationship between populism and democracy and the question of the leader. In this thesis I examine Laclau's work and interpretations of his work before offering a fresh interpretation that will both retain and enhance the distinctiveness and relevance of populism and hegemony for contemporary debates in socialist thought, and emancipatory theory more generally. My argument is grounded on both empirical and theoretical sources, relying on a combination of concept- and case-based interpretive methods. The empirical aspect of the thesis, which consists of an in-depth study of the trajectory of the Italian Communist Party and the Ecuadorian Citizens' Revolution, is used to problematise the conceptualisation of populism and hegemony. From a theoretical point of view, I first conduct a geneaological analysis of the emergence of the two notions in Laclau. I argue that this prompts a kind of ‘return to Antonio Gramsci’, involving the mobilisation of some insights that were overlooked or progressively neglected in the reading that Laclau made of the Italian thinker. The strategic upshot of this is that, while it is paramount to think in both populist and hegemonic terms, the former does not necessarily imply or reduce to the latter, and vice versa. Finally, I put forward the case for an agonistic, radical-democratic and ethical left-wing populism, drawing from the contributions of Chantal Mouffe, Jacques Derrida, William Connolly and Jacques Lacan.

Drawing on a range of primary and secondary sources, including Cuban scholarship which has been overlooked by other non-Cuban scholars, this thesis traces the evolution of local government and popular participation from the overthrow of the Batista regime in 1959 to the present day, and in so doing, it exposes multiple sites for participation in the business of local governance which are available to the average Cuban citizen. By examining the municipal election process, mechanisms for close contact between citizens and their elected delegates, and the relationship between the mass organisations and the Communist Party, this study illuminates the interface between state and populace, and demonstrates that popular participation at the level of the community is linked to domestic national policy-making. Furthermore, evidence is presented which demonstrates that the evolution of local Cuban polity is affected though continuous review of local government practice and is itself a participatory process. Decades of popular participation in local affairs have developed and strengthened the capacity for collective action, and this thesis assesses its contribution to the remarkable survival of Cuba’s socialist project after the collapse of the Soviet bloc. As the revolutionary leadership expanded opportunities for popular participation whilst continuing to maintain control over decisions it considered were necessary for economic development, for the maintenance of national unity, and for the development of Che Guevara’s New Man (and Woman), tensions were generated between localism and centralism, and between pragmatism and ideology. Responses to these tensions can be seen in the contemporary Cuban scholarship presented in the final chapter of the thesis. This thesis makes a sustained case for the importance of local government to the revolutionary leadership and argues that no assessment of the Cuban polity can claim to be comprehensive without taking local government into account.

This thesis analyzes the consequences of property confiscations and redistribution under the Sandinista (FSLN) government in Nicaragua of the 1980s. It covers the period from the overthrow of Anastasio Somoza Debayle in 1979 to the February 1990 FSLN electoral defeat and the following two months of the Piñata, when the outgoing Sandinista government quickly formalized possession of property by new owners, both formerly landless peasants and the elite. It also examines subsequent efforts to resolve outstanding property claims, with the focus on the Chamorro and later presidential administrations to 2007, when Sandinista leader Daniel Ortega and the FSLN returned to power. The main argument is that Sandinista leaders, largely from the same families that have dominated Nicaragua since the Colonial period, followed Nicaraguan traditions of using influence to distort the legal and political system to gain title to valuable properties. In contrast to partisan arguments in favor of one regime or another, here the methods of property transfer are analyzed by investigating in detail documentary evidence of illustrative cases that show the steps and individuals involved in these transactions, as well as more generally surveying other cases and the overall situation with property. The argument is tested by examining how the selected claimants’ properties were taken and who obtained them. The results indicate that Sandinista elites did obtain properties for their personal benefit, often in violation of their own legislation, but that this was largely consistent with the practice of other, non- Sandinista governments. After their electoral defeat, ongoing Sandinista influence in the organs of government influenced the restitution process, with claimants typically settling for compensation at a fraction of the market value, with the Nicaraguan state and people bearing the cost of paying for compensation bonds over the coming decades. Political influence undermined the restitution mechanism.

This thesis engages with representations of social crisis in Argentine fictional cinema during 1998-2005, a period when Argentina experienced a deep economic crisis that brought about significant changes in politics, culture, society and the arts. My emphasis is upon the ways in which cinema interpreted both present and long-established dialogues with national and social discourse, while re-assessing notions of national identity, culture and social class. The study contributes to a growing body of scholarship on Argentine film which has no precedent in history. In particular, works published in English over the last five years have offered fresh reflections upon a field that has remained dominated by narrative and aesthetic, rather than analytical, approaches By combining close textual analysis of films to the study of their cultural context my research argues that cinema addressed predominantly middle-class Argentine audiences with critical questions concerning the transformations they were experiencing over those years of crisis. As works of fiction, the films also offered ordinary people the possibility to identify with their own lives and values, stimulating critical reflection and emotional engagement, as well as enjoyment and laughter. The modes through which these films addressed Argentine audiences are themselves as rich and complex as their narrative representations of crisis. Amongst the most compelling achievements of recent Argentine cinema are the diversity of its modes of address, its strong themes, interesting styles and captivating narrative strategies. These films offered domestic audiences both reflective and divergent views on social reality that, without any doubt, enriched the cultural arena in which Argentineans could reflect on their past, their daily life, their values and their relationship with social minorities. In this sense cinema helped Argentine people to learn to live in democracy.

The Haitian Revolution (1 791-1804) reshaped the debates about slavery and freedom in Europe, accelerated the abolitionist movement, precipitated rebellions in neighbouring territories, and intensified both repression and antislavery sentiment. Its long-term effects remain visible in the many representations, recuperations, and invocations of the Revolution as an exemplar of black agency. At the same time, the violence of the conflict led to portrayals of Haiti as unregenerate and primitive, a prey to 'voodoo' and lawlessness. Hence the recuperation of Haiti's political and cultural history, in which the establishment of the first postcolonial nation must be accounted for as a momentous event despite its ostensible failure, contests the tradition of imperial denigration. The thesis addresses how the Haitian Revolution followed by the establishment of a Black Republic, provided inspiration for writers, artists and intellectuals throughout the Atlantic Diaspora in diverse cultural and intellectual locations from the 1920s onwards. If public knowledge about Haitian history has for some time now been limited in Europe and North America, the Revolution has been a potent factor in black memory and it remains an inspiration to Carib beans, Africans, African Americans, and Latin Americans, as well as to radical intellectuals and artists worldwide. The thesis studies the writings generated by the Revolution in the works of Aime Cesaire, C. L. R. James, Rene Depestre, Langston Hughes, Edouard Glissant, Alejo Carpentier, Derek Walcott, and Madison Smartt Bell, spanning French, English, and Spanish, and including poetry, drama, history, biography, fiction, and opera; while in the visual arts it considers the paintings of Kimathi Donkor and commemorative postage stamps. My discussion addresses both critical understandings and fictional reinventions of the Revolution's achievement and tragic reversals. I examine the ideologies informing the analyses, and the aesthetics of the imaginative writings, where a political stance in some cases served to promote innovation and experimental style and in others was a constraint.

This is a study of government and governance in the Audiencia of Santa Fe during the last two decades of Habsburg rule and the first two decades of Bourbon rule, a period largely neglected by historians of New Granada and of Spanish America in general. However, it is not simply an administrative history. Rather than focus primarily on the structure of government and formal mechanisms of power and authority, this study aims, as the title indicates, to examine the political activity contained within the formal structure of institutions and laws. It looks at the ways in which institutions of government actually functioned within the society they were designed to govern and control, in other words the workings of government. These are themes which have been little studied by historians of the region, despite the importance which has been attached to the colonial state as a force which played a primary role in shaping New Granada's history. Studies of the colonial state have tended to portray it as a hierarchy of institutions, closely controlled from the centre, which developed as Spain's monarchs sought to legitimise their dominion and impose their control over the vast territories of the Americas. They have presented royal institutions of government in the Indies, the audiencia and provincial governors in the case of New Granada as the tools of an absolutist monarchy, employed by the Spanish crown to expand royal power over Spanish American subjects. The present study thus aims to challenge this picture by making detailed reference to contemporary documentation and taking into account recent research on early modern government and governance in areas outside New Granada. We will attempt to show that government in the Audiencia of Santa Fe was not a rigid structure but very political in nature.

In 1924 stevedores and other categories of dock workers in Georgetown, British Guiana, went on strike in response to a call by the British Guiana Labour Union (BGLU). In a demonstration of solidarity, estate workers from several sugar plantations along the East Bank of Demerara embarked upon a march to Georgetown. At Plantation Ruimveldt, the workers confronted a detachment of police officers and members of the military forces. As a result of an order to shoot into the crowd thirteen workers were killed and twenty-four wounded. The dissertation has been able to establish the '1924 Workers' Incident at Ruimveldt' as a watershed in Guianese working people's struggle by highlighting its prominence among other moments of overt resistance through its impact upon workers' organisation. The significance of the Incident is also brought out in the new relationship which developed between the British government, the Colonial Office and the British TUC, on the one hand, and the Guianese labour leaders on the other. In pursuit of this task, the dissertation addresses the following: the organisational structures of the working people at the formal and non-formal or 'street corner' levels; the leadership which emerged from the ranks of the working people and the middle class; the impact of 'grassroots' organisation in fostering working peoples' consciousness and co-operation among members of the major racial sections in the country; and their attempts to establish links with progressive individuals and organisations within Guiana and throughout the international community.

The thesis examines the development of monetary and banking policies during the apogee of the Brazilian Empire (1850-70). It adopts a political economy approach to Brazilian monetary history, with the objective of contributing to the debate surrounding the relative autonomy of the imperial State in relation to the planter class (fazendeiros). The research has established two major points of historical fact: the peculiar nature of the gold standard regime in force in Brazil during part of the period, and the role of the Bank of Brazil therein. The analysis has also extended current knowledge of two major contemporary events in the financial sphere - the 1860 banking and corporate law and the Souto crisis of 1864. The former is shown to have been less draconian than claimed by historians while attention is drawn to the hitherto neglected role of private banks in fuelling the 1864 crisis. The thesis argues that between 1850 and 1870 the imperial government followed an approach to monetary and banking policy that could be termed “pragmatically conservative”. This tended to involve the “hard money” combination of monetary restraint and adherence to the gold standard, although on crucial occasions - such as during the Souto crisis, and the Paraguayan War - monetary prudence gave way to expansionist policies, as reasons of State took precedence over financial rectitude. The research reveals how, in the main, “hard money” policies were pursued in the period, to the detriment of demands from the planter class for monetary expansion. This evidence suggests that, at least in the sphere of money and banking, the imperial State displayed a relative autonomy vis-à-vis the economic elite.

This thesis examines the development of state-narco networks in post-transition Bolivia. Mainstream discourses of drugs tend to undertheorise such relationships, holding illicit economies, weak states and violence as synergistic phenomena. Such assumptions fail to capture the nuanced relations that emerge between the state and the drug trade in different contexts, their underlying logics and diverse effects. As an understudied case, Bolivia offers novel insights into these dynamics. Bolivian military authoritarian governments (1964-1982), for example, integrated drug rents into clientelistic systems of governance, helping to establish factional coalitions and reinforce regime authority. Following democratic transition in 1982 and the escalation of US counterdrug efforts, these stable modes of exchange between the state and the coca-cocaine economy fragmented. Bolivia, though, continued to experience lower levels of drug-related violence than its Andean neighbours, and sustained democratisation despite being a major drug producer. Focusing on the introduction of the Andean Initiative (1989-1993), I explore state-narco interactions during this period of flux: from authoritarianism to (formal) democracy, and from Cold War to Drug War. As such, the thesis transcends the conventional analyses of the drugs literature and orthodox readings of Latin American narco-violence, providing insights into the relationship between illicit economies and democratic transition, the regional role of the US, and the (unintended) consequences of drug policy interventions. I utilise a mixed methods approach to offer discrete perspectives on the object of study. Drawing on documentary and secondary sources, I argue that state-narco networks were interwoven with Bolivia’s post-transition political settlement. Uneven democratisation ensured pockets of informalism, as clientelistic and authoritarian practices continued. This included police and military autonomy, and tolerance of drug corruption within both institutions. Non-enforcement of democratic norms of accountability and transparency was linked to the maintenance of fragile political equilibrium. Interviews with key US and Bolivian elite actors also revealed differing interpretations of state-narco interactions. These exposed competing agendas, and were folded into alternative paradigms and narratives of the ‘war on drugs’. The extension of US Drug War goals and the targeting of ‘corrupt’ local power structures, clashed with local ambivalence towards the drug trade, opposition to destabilising, ‘Colombianised’ policies and the claimed ‘democratising mission’ of the Bolivian government. In contrasting these US and Bolivian accounts, the thesis shows how real and perceived state-narco webs were understood and navigated by different actors in distinct ways. ‘Drug corruption’ held significance beyond simple economic transaction or institutional failure. Contestation around state-narco interactions was enmeshed in US-Bolivian relations of power and control.

This thesis seeks to offer a comparative analysis of Mexican-European Powers relations from 1920 to 1928. These were dominated by the dilemma of revolution and stabilisation. While the Mexican governments of Adolfo de la Huerta, Álvaro Obregón and Plutarco Elías Calles were committed to defend the national revolutionary programme, embedded in the Constitution of 1917, they also wanted to continue the modernisation project of the country, for which foreign economic interests and intellectual discussions on modernity, social democracy and national identity were primordial. For their part, German, French and British governments needed to weigh whether to defend their economic and cultural presence with regard to revolutionary Mexico and the disruptions caused by the Great War, by having friendly relations, accepting the new conditions or pressuring to reverse changes. Besides, the contact between Mexico and the European Powers was profoundly influenced by the new international reconfiguration in which the United States, Soviet Russia and the League of Nations played a prominent role. The ways in which politicians, diplomats, businessmen, intellectuals, artists and journalists worked to improve bilateral links in regards to politics, economy and culture will be presented. This will be achieved through a diplomatic history approach and taking into consideration the interactions of international relations. The thesis first problematises the question of diplomatic recognition which was related to the negotiations of the debt, Article 27 of the Constitution and claims by foreigners. Afterwards, governmental and transnational efforts to increase economic relations are explored. These were as varied as the establishment of more consulates, the creation of chambers of commerce, and negotiations for new treaties of Amity, Commerce and Navigation. Lastly, diplomatic attempts to increase cultural understandings are discussed. These ranged over topics such as representations in the press, theatre and films, as well as cooperation in technical and military education.