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Can states formally recognize cultural diversity and, at the same time, preserve their political and social unity and provide the main public goods of modern citizenship? Is such conciliation feasible? Is it morally desirable? In the current context of unprecedented expression and politicization of cultural identities, especially in democratic countries, such questions are more and more crucial. To answer these questions, the present study considers the contribution of the modern federal tradition. Within this tradition, I analyze four federal responses to the unity-diversity dilemma. The first two---the Belgian and Canadian federations---are practical. Each embodies one of the two dominant contemporary models of federalism: classical liberal individualist, and multinational. I study the experience of each country over the past thirty years to compare the effects of the two models on citizenship. The potential of the modern federal tradition is further assessed through an examination of two theoretical and normative reflections, those of Tocqueville and Proudhon. / The central thesis is twofold. First, I contend that in a context of increasing cultural diversity, unity and diversity have an equal value and are both essential to citizenship. This is true both from a moral and from a practical point of view. Second, I argue that the dominant conceptions of federalism are unable to satisfactorily conciliate unity and diversity. Such task requires the development of what I call an intercultural federalism, one centered on the good of identity pluralization or complexitication. From a strictly practical point of view, only an intercultural federalism can prevent identity fragmentation and the political and social fragmentation which come with it. From a moral perspective, intercultural federalism promises not only to protect, but also to maximize the primary goods which are the most affected by identity fragmentation---political liberty and social solidarity---while also promoting individual liberty. Intercultural federalism rests on three principles which summarize the teachings of the modern federal tradition with regard to the establishment of just citizenship institutions in a context of diversity. Such institutions are just in that they protect and maximize the primary goods of citizenship for all citizens. The three principles are: (1) mutual recognition; (2) intercultural dialogue; (3) multi-varied asymmetrical institutionalization.

The focus of this study was on the Interim Constitution adopted on 9 July 2005 by Sudan. The significance of the federal principle both as a peacemaking device and a tool of democratisation was considered. The objective of the study was to provide an informed and well-researched estimation of the potential perils and possibilities for success of Sudan's contemporary constitutional arrangement.

Within the Canadian government, studies associated with staffing the federal public service have been endemic for over a century. Despite this, concerns about lack of change and dissatisfaction with staffing (too slow, too complex) remain hallmarks. The Public Service Modernization Act (PSMA) was introduced in 2003 as a means to bring about transformative change and yet, following a nearly two year study, the PSMA Review Report (2011) found that virtually no one was satisfied with changes in key aspects of the human resource and staffing regime. A strong desire for change was noted as existing, however, a diluted sense of ownership and powerlessness to change were also noted, even among the most powerful federal communities – deputy ministers, executives, and central agencies. As Canada’s largest employer, with an annual payroll that has been estimated at $22 billion and, with another era of potential change launched with the Public Service Commission’s 2016 introduction of New Directions in Staffing, federal staffing can be viewed as both timely and warranting academic examination. This dissertation combines the strengths of institutional change literature from political science, sociology and economics to examine the institution of federal staffing in the core public administration. It focuses on an extended period of time in order to identify if any substantive changes have occurred despite popular views of negligible change and to examine why change may not have occurred to advance toward the long expressed goal of simplified, efficient staffing of highly qualified (meritorious) public servants. This mixed methods case study uses documentary, archival, and qualitative and quantitative secondary source material as well as input from 49 semi-structured interviews with a variety of Canadian federal managerial and human resource representatives. It identifies and addresses issues that have only at times been identified and, others not typically detailed in government reports, particularly those associated with culture and path dependent history. Issues examined include power relations and key narratives as well as evolving ideas and logics of appropriateness that shape behaviour, some of which continue to exert pressure on current organizational and institutional choices despite having been in existence for, in some cases, 50 or 100 years. Some ideas for change are offered but this study suggests without attention to long-standing and systemic issues only highly incremental change should be expected.

The three Articles that comprise this Dissertation explore how free expression and judicial federalism regulate hurtful speech and promised silence. The Articles tackle torts and free speech, contracts and free speech, and a comparative variation on those two themes. Judicial federalism threads all three Articles. The first Article, Silencing State Courts, argues that the current mode of enforcing the First Amendment against state common law speech torts fails to promote cooperative judicial federalism. Second, Silence for Sale argues that state courts should free themselves from constitutional straitjackets and recognize a robust public policy of free expression that voids some nondisclosure agreements. Finally, Comparative Judicial Federalism argues that the strength of a federal free speech guarantee varies with a country's particular species of judicial federalism. By comparing free speech and judicial federalism in the United States and Australia, it argues that Australia’s judicial federalism augments its implied freedom of political communication.

Nearly half of all frontline leaders in U.S. federal agencies during 2015 were unprepared to improve employee engagement. The lack of successful strategies to improve employee engagement in federal government agencies has led to decreased operational performance. Guided by the employee engagement theory as the conceptual framework, the single case study design was selected to explore the successful strategies that frontline leaders use to improve employee engagement at a federal agency in central Maryland. Data collection involved face-to-face, semistructured interviews with 4 frontline leaders and federal agency documents indicating employee engagement. The data analysis process included Yin's 5-step method and revealed 2 major themes: effective organizational communication, and enhancing employee development. Employee engagement improves if frontline leaders use strategies that involve effective organizational communication and enhancing employee development to promote open, transparent communication, teamwork, collaboration, skills development, incentives, rewards, and improved work-life balance. The implications for social change include the potential to implement successful engagement strategies in the federal agency, because employees who are more engaged generate better performance and productivity, build valuable work relationships, enhance career, and increase wages to improve the well-being and prosperity of themselves and their families. Improved performance and productivity could help to lower operating cost at the federal agency; thus, creating opportunities to reinvest savings into local community outreach programs that contribute to healthy living, well-being, and economic prosperity.

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In 1974 the Federal Government abolished tuition fees for all government institutions and took over full funding responsibility for universities and colleges of advanced education from the States. This study investigates the process of funding tertiary institutions and the somewhat different position and importance in the funding process of technical and further education colleges compared with universities and colleges of advanced education is clarified and explained. The influence of the changing economic circumstances of the late nineteen seventies upon the level and method of funding is considered. The role of the Tertiary Education Commission as a major influence within the funding process and its role in decisionmaking is outlined and its power acknowledged. The Federal Government attitude to the level and pattern of funding tertiary education has altered significantly since 1974. To illustrate the extent and nature of changed government priorities,trends in funding and the implications of such trends are examined and analysed. From this data emerging problems as universities and colleges of advanced education face the difficulties of expenditure restraint are identified. It is noted that not all the effects of restraint have negative consequences, in fact there may be some positive benefits to be derived. The field study investigates the currently increasing demands for our tertiary institutions to be more accountable for the public funds they spend. Questions associated with the demand for accountability- the difficulty of defining what is meant by accountability; accountability for what, to whom, when, how and why in relation to the funding of tertiary education are discussed, associated problems and possible solutions highlighted. Finally, some reflections upon the process of funding tertiary education are expounded and conclusions are drawn from the investigation undertaken and data presented.