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This thesis examines the 'public sphere' of state reconstruction and political conflict across the Somali territories through comparative discursive and contextual analysis of media production and consumption on the ground in Somalia. Using Somali-language media sources - including political cartoons, editorials, radio broadcasts and audio-visual propaganda - the chapters cumulatively present a dual conceptualisation of the public sphere in the Somali context. Here, local media production centred in individual capitals of various political projects (The Somali Federal Government, Somaliland and Puntland) coexists and overlaps with a transnational arena of Somali-language broadcasting and debate from various externally-based media producers. These range from the British Broadcasting Corporation‟s Somali Service and popular diaspora-based satellite television stations, to sophisticated 'jihadi' propagandists, or individual geographically-detached cartoonists. Internationalised dynamics of economic and political change across the territories render distinctions between 'diasporic' and 'local' media production analytically unhelpful. At the same, ongoing popular rhetorical contestation over 'foreign' influence ensures an ostensibly paradoxical (and politically salient) discursive resilience of a culturally and religiously-defined 'Somali Ummah' across and beyond political boundaries. Although significant academic attention has been directed towards the role of decentralized 'new' or 'social' media and possibilities for civic agency vis-á-vis coherent, authoritarian state structures, the thesis argues that the Somali case highlights the significance of such public sphere technologies in altering discursive, political and security conditions for state (re)construction in socially fragmented and conflict scarred environments.

Canadian Federalism has grown to incorporate the opposing ideologies of communitarianism and individualism, which compete in both social and political arenas. The cultural industry sector in Canada negotiates this ideological landscape in order to secure favourable public policy in the form of both political support and access to public resources. Within the cultural sector and as a result of the environment, the book publishing industry is active in expressing its value as both community builders and economic worthy enterprises. Drawing upon research in federalism, cultural and policy studies, an analytical framework is developed to assess the underlying intentions of cultural policy and distribution of resources with respect to cultural or economic outcomes. This comparative analysis of federal and provincial policies supporting the book publishing industry in Canada demonstrates divergent policy choices between jurisdictions. These choices gravitate towards either communitarian/collectivist or individualist/economic values, mirroring those values incorporated into the current Canadian federalist structure. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Yes / The paper considers various theoretical perspectives that underscore the relevance of managing difference in a multinational state and the various strategies used by state in regulating difference in general and to Pakistan specifically. It then briefly illustrates the central features of federalism at different points in Pakistan¿s history and then considers the actually practise of managing difference at various historical junctures. A critical analysis of the various alterative approaches is then considered and an evaluation of the pro and cons of each suggestion is made allowing for reflections on possible policy development.

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O federalismo enquanto fenômeno político denota a associação de coletividades territoriais para a obtenção de objetivos comuns. Nesse sentido, a realidade federativa evidencia dois desenvolvimentos históricos e institucionais diversos: federalismo norte-americano e federalismo germânico. Com base nessas realidades concretas, propõem-se modelos histórico-ideológicos e jurídicoinstitucionais de federalismo com a finalidade de compreender melhor esse tema, situado no âmbito da Teoria Geral do Estado. Lançou-se mão dos métodos histórico, comparativo e indutivo. No plano dos aspectos histórico-ideológicos, apresentam-se os modelos de federalismo republicano e de federalismo imperial. No plano dos aspectos jurídico-institucionais, apontam-se os modelos de federalismo dual e de federalismo de níveis cooperativos. / The federalism as a political phenomenon notice the association of the collectivities as a way of obtention of common objectives. In this sense, the federative reality reveals two distinct historical and institutional developments: northamerican federalism and german federalism. Based on these concrete realities, it proposes historical-ideological and juridical-institutional standards of federalism under the purpose of comprehending better this subject, sited on General Theory of State. It was used the historical, comparative and inductive methods. In the plans of historical-ideological aspects, it shows the standards of republican federalism and of emperor federalism. In the plans of juridical-institutional aspects, are pointed the standards of dual federalism and of cooperative federalism.

O federalismo enquanto fenômeno político denota a associação de coletividades territoriais para a obtenção de objetivos comuns. Nesse sentido, a realidade federativa evidencia dois desenvolvimentos históricos e institucionais diversos: federalismo norte-americano e federalismo germânico. Com base nessas realidades concretas, propõem-se modelos histórico-ideológicos e jurídicoinstitucionais de federalismo com a finalidade de compreender melhor esse tema, situado no âmbito da Teoria Geral do Estado. Lançou-se mão dos métodos histórico, comparativo e indutivo. No plano dos aspectos histórico-ideológicos, apresentam-se os modelos de federalismo republicano e de federalismo imperial. No plano dos aspectos jurídico-institucionais, apontam-se os modelos de federalismo dual e de federalismo de níveis cooperativos. / The federalism as a political phenomenon notice the association of the collectivities as a way of obtention of common objectives. In this sense, the federative reality reveals two distinct historical and institutional developments: northamerican federalism and german federalism. Based on these concrete realities, it proposes historical-ideological and juridical-institutional standards of federalism under the purpose of comprehending better this subject, sited on General Theory of State. It was used the historical, comparative and inductive methods. In the plans of historical-ideological aspects, it shows the standards of republican federalism and of emperor federalism. In the plans of juridical-institutional aspects, are pointed the standards of dual federalism and of cooperative federalism.

O federalismo enquanto fenômeno político denota a associação de coletividades territoriais para a obtenção de objetivos comuns. Nesse sentido, a realidade federativa evidencia dois desenvolvimentos históricos e institucionais diversos: federalismo norte-americano e federalismo germânico. Com base nessas realidades concretas, propõem-se modelos histórico-ideológicos e jurídicoinstitucionais de federalismo com a finalidade de compreender melhor esse tema, situado no âmbito da Teoria Geral do Estado. Lançou-se mão dos métodos histórico, comparativo e indutivo. No plano dos aspectos histórico-ideológicos, apresentam-se os modelos de federalismo republicano e de federalismo imperial. No plano dos aspectos jurídico-institucionais, apontam-se os modelos de federalismo dual e de federalismo de níveis cooperativos. / The federalism as a political phenomenon notice the association of the collectivities as a way of obtention of common objectives. In this sense, the federative reality reveals two distinct historical and institutional developments: northamerican federalism and german federalism. Based on these concrete realities, it proposes historical-ideological and juridical-institutional standards of federalism under the purpose of comprehending better this subject, sited on General Theory of State. It was used the historical, comparative and inductive methods. In the plans of historical-ideological aspects, it shows the standards of republican federalism and of emperor federalism. In the plans of juridical-institutional aspects, are pointed the standards of dual federalism and of cooperative federalism.

This thesis takes as its point of departure the debate on federalism that emerged in Italy in the years preceding the unification of 1861 and that resumed in the early 1990s, a debate mainly revolving around the profound socio-economic differences between the North and the South of the country. Torn between continuous centripetal and centrifugal forces, but not characterized by ethnic connotations, the Italian regional model implemented with the 1948 constitution and strengthened in 2001 elicits questions that intersect with topical debates engaging scholars across the globe, and displays features that have the potential to stimulate fruitful discussions both inside and outside Italian borders. While the present state of Italian regionalism remains ambiguous, the Italian regional model distils lessons coming from different theoretical experiences, including federalism, sub-state nationalism, and the European unification process. Therefore, it can be seen as an innovative experiment crafted by those who were looking for a compromise between unitary and federal schemes. Adopting a theoretical framework combining literature on federalism, regionalism and sub-state national theory, this thesis addresses a number of questions that help fill a gap in scholarship. The thesis discusses the relationship between federalism and regionalism, arguing that regionalism is an overarching term that incorporates diverse experiences; consequently, the regional state paradigm to which Italy is usually associated is just one of the many shapes that regionalism can take. The research also identifies the elements enabling us to differentiate between a federal and a regional model, as well as the advantages of opting for a regional scheme (as opposed to a federal one). The socio-economic tensions between the North and the South of Italy offer the ideal basis to discuss non-national differences, an expression used to indicate political and socio-economic communities located within a geographical territory displaying some de facto asymmetries compared to the state-wide community, seeking some form of acknowledgement of their specificity. The thesis argues that national differences (e.g. differences based on linguistic, religious or other cultural issues) are not the only ones requiring attention, and it identifies a number of legal and constitutional stratagems that could be used to address non-national difference. Also, the recognition of non-national difference may also help find a solution to issues regarding sub-state national recognition. Finally, the thesis tries to find a point of reconciliation between federalism and solidarity, particularly in the context of non-national difference. The Italian regional experience serves once again as the point of departure to discuss whether federalism and solidarity are conflicting ideas, and to open a discussion regarding the exact contours of solidarity, especially in its horizontal understanding.

This thesis analyzes the effects of federalism on promoting gender representation in parliaments using the case of Germany. There is no country in the world where women and men are equally represented in politics. Discrepancies in representation may stem from historical, cultural, institutional, or structural facets. One little discussed possibility is that of governmental institutions, particularly, the federalist structure of government. Theoretically, federalism should encourage minorities, including women, to be elected to parliaments at a higher rate than in unitary states because it allows additional layer of access to and entry into elected office. By investigating the proportions of women in parliament at different levels of government, we can identify the effects of the federalist structure on advancing women’s representation. The German federalist system is analyzed at three different levels: the sub-national (Lander), national (the Bundestag), and supra-national (European Parliament) level to assess whether the federal structure affects the level of representation by providing a funnel effect. The thesis also analyzed the importance of voluntary gender quotas adopted by many of the political parties on mitigating the effect of federalism. The final results of federalism as it related to gender equality in parliaments were inconclusive as the effects could not be clearly separated from those of gender quotas for the case of Germany.