This thesis is about the creation, reception and dissemination of poetry in Flavian Rome as depicted in the satires of Juvenal and the epigrams of Martial. It deals with their relationship with their Augustan predecessors, especially Horace. It discusses the rhetoric of decline that pervades early Juvenalian satire, and to some degree, Martial’s epigrams, especially in relation to an idealized and self-proclaimed Golden Age several generations before. It argues that this decline is representative of a political decline since the Age of Augustus and feelings of disenfranchisement of upper-class men under autocratic rule. It also examines the embeddedness of Flavian literature within its urban social context and the ways in which Martial and Juvenal handle the increasing interconnectedness of life and art in relation to their Augustan predecessors. There are three chapters, entitled Amicitia and Patronage, the Recusatio, and Locating the Poetic Feast. / Graduate

Cette thèse vise à préciser l’importance et le relief singulier que Valérius Flaccus donne aux figures du pouvoir monarchique dans les Argonautiques. Elle sollicite la vaste tradition littéraire antique portant sur les figures du bon roi et du tyran, ainsi que les représentations du pouvoir véhiculées par l’idéologie impériale, afin de déterminer quel regard spécifique ce poète porte sur une problématique universelle et quels procédés il met en œuvre pour rendre cette représentation originale et efficace. Ce travail, qui écarte tout parti pris référentiel,s’articule autour d’une étude des personnages.Le poète analyse les mécanismes de fonctionnement de la tyrannie. Il en souligne le caractère oppressant en faisant des tyrans les pivots de la narration épique et en théâtralisant fortement leurs apparitions, susceptibles de frapper le lecteur. Aux tyrans s’opposent de nombreux rois exerçant un pouvoir positif. Le poète grandit ces figures en les valorisant sur le plan éthique mais montre aussi de façon répétée leur chute ainsi que la stérilité de leur pouvoir afin de susciter la compassion du lecteur. L’élaboration du personnage de Jason se fait sur le même modèle que celle des bons rois. La mise en valeur des qualités du chef ne rend que plus saisissante sa déchéance future, sans cesse annoncée. L’inquiétude et le pessimisme se dégagent donc de cette représentation du pouvoir royal, conçu sous sa forme pervertie, la tyrannie, ou associé à la décadence.Cette thèse permet d’ajouter une contribution à l’histoire des représentations et de prendre la mesure des évolutions du genre épique, qui fait alors une place importante à la tragédie et aux effets pathétiques. / This thesis aims to specify the importance and the unique depth Valerius Flaccus gives to the figures of monarchic power in the Argonautica. It calls on the vast antique literary tradition which deals with the figures of the good king and the tyrant, as well as the representations of power carried by the imperial ideology, in order to determine what specific look this poet takes on an universal issue and what literary devices he uses to make this representation original and efficient. This work that rejects every referential bias is based on a study of the characters. The poet analyses how tyranny works. He underlines its oppressive nature by making tyrants the pivots of epic narration and by strongly dramatizing their appearances, which is likely to strike the reader. Numerous kingsembodying a positive power contrast with tyrants. The poet enhances these figures valuing them from an ethic point of view. But he also repeatedly shows their falls as well as the sterility of their power in order to arouse thereader’s sympathy. To elaborate the character of Jason he proceeds in the same way as for the good kings.Emphasizing the qualities of the leader makes his constantly announced future decline all the more striking andmoving. Anxiety and pessimism prevail in the representation of royal power, which is seen in its corrupted form,tyranny, or associated to decline.This thesis contributes to the history of representations and makes it possible to assess the evolutions of the epicgenre, which then affords an important place to tragedy and pathetic effects.

This thesis investigates the problem of contemporary historiography and regime representation in Flavian Rome through a close study of a text not usually read for such purposes but which has obvious promise for a study of this theme, the Jewish War of Flavius Josephus. Having surveyed the evolution of our conception of Josephus' relationship to Flavian power, taken a broad account of issues of political expression and regime representation in Flavian Rome outside Josephus and examined questions relating to the structure and date of the work, I will provide a series of thematically-focused readings of the three senior members of the Flavian family, Vespasian, Titus and Domitian, as represented by their contemporary and client Josephus. Key topics to be explored include the level of independence of Josephus' vision, his work's relationship to how the regime is depicted in other contemporary sources, how Josephus makes the Flavians serve his own agenda (which is distinct from the heavy focus of most previous scholarship on how Josephus served their agenda), and the viability and usefulness of certain types of reading practices relating to figured critique which have recently become influential in Josephan scholarship. The thesis offers a new approach to Josephus' relationship to the Flavian Dynasty and sheds new light on contemporary historiography and political expression in the Early Principate.

The present report applies Pierre Bourdieu’s social theory to the study of ancient Judaean apocalypticism in its historical, socioeconomic, and political contexts. Its central thesis is that each Judaean apocalyptic discourse is waged against the dominant ideology of its society and its perceived sustainers and beneficiaries. The particular focus in this report is Flavian ideology—the dominant ideology of the Roman Empire in the last three decades of the first century CE—and its subversion by the apocalyptic discourse of the late-first century CE text Fourth Ezra. After the Romans quashed a revolt in the province of Judaea and sacked the Jerusalem temple in 70 CE, the soon-to-be Roman emperor Vespasian, and his sons Titus and Domitian, initiated and maintained an empire-wide discourse proclaiming Iudaea capta (‘Judaea captured’). By means of coins, monuments, statues, literary propaganda, and the institution of a new Judaean tax, the Flavian emperors magnified their successful suppression of this provincial revolt in order to legitimate their dynasty. This discourse, which quickly became misrecognized in society and persisted long after the tenure of the Flavian dynasty, marked all Judaeans throughout the empire as foreign rebels and barbarians. The author of Fourth Ezra challenged Flavian ideology, and the Iudaea capta discourse in particular, by “revealing”—that is, persuading his audience to believe—that Rome’s victory over Judaea is part of the divine plan, the glory of Rome is fleeting, and the righteous ones who keep God’s Law will still have an opportunity for redemption. A focus of the present analysis is the figure of a lamenting woman employed by both discourses. Whereas the Flavian discourse used a dejected Judaean woman to represent Judaea after the Roman victory, Fourth Ezra’s apocalyptic discourse reveals a similar figure of a lamenting Judaean woman to be Mother Zion, and has her transform into the new, eschatological Jerusalem. When these two discourses are viewed together, regardless of direct influence or dependence, it is clear that the apocalyptic discourse subverts Flavian ideology. In the process, the author of Fourth Ezra recycles power by simultaneously delegitimating the Flavian emperors and legitimating his own social circle of sage-leaders. / text

This thesis explores how the reader is invited to read the books of Martial’s Epigrams, arguing that the epigrammatist has arranged the poems in his libelli in a specific order that rewards a sequential reading of the text from start to finish. Instead of viewing Martial as an anthologist who collated a series of occasional poems for their later publication, the thesis demonstrates that the poet showed awareness of his epigrams’ position within a larger ‘contexture’, and that he primes the reader throughout the Epigrams to envisage the books as thematically unified wholes. By viewing the Epigrams as a text to be read from beginning to end, rather than a text to be excerpted and anthologised, one can read each epigram in the wider context of its book, and better appreciate that book’s structural unity. Chapter one introduces the issues at stake in how one reads a book of epigrams, and provides the thesis’ methodological approach. Special attention is paid to the phenomenology of reading as a hermeneutic act, drawing together approaches to the Epigrams from classical scholarship as well as from reception and comic book theories to detail the method of ‘cumulative reading’ employed in the thesis. The second chapter then examines how Martial characterises the lector studiosus in his text, and how this depicted reader acts as a model for the actual reader to follow in their own sequential reading of the Epigrams. Chapter three focuses on Epigrams 7, demonstrating that the opening poems of the book establish the emperor Domitian as a thematic centrepiece around whom the rest of the book’s themes cluster. The fourth chapter also examines book 7, demonstrating how two different uses of watery motifs develop their individual thematic unity across the book, while also linking themselves back to the book’s opening imperial cycle to craft an overarching structural unity for the libellus. Chapter five then gives an overview of the larger structure of the Epigrams, arguing that the paratextual prose prefaces in books 1, 2, 8, 9, and 12 reinforce the individuality of the books they precede as well as establishing their own place within the wider corpus. Overall, this thesis puts the epigrammatic libellus back into the context of late first century AD book culture, emphasising that Martial paid attention not only to his epigrams’ position within their own books, but also their place within the wider corpus.

Following his assassination in September of AD 96, Domitian was penalized with post-mortem memory sanctions. These kind of sanctions are often portrayed by both modern scholars and ancient historians as being implemented relatively uniformly in all of the cases of emperors who were subject to these sanctions. This applies both to the actual body of sanctions which were implemented by the senate, and the enthusiasm with which the populace followed them. While there is some commonality in the levying of sanctions between all condemned individuals, it is important to understand the differences between them in order to comprehend how each was viewed in his own time. In the case of Domitian, the senate punished him with heavy sanctions, and the people obeyed them. However, there is not the same evidence of mob violence against his images by the people, which would prove a dislike for him outside of the political elite. By investigating the evidence for these sanctions in the ancient literary sources, as well as the physical evidence from both inscriptions and sculpted likenesses, a more clear picture than previously presented can be created of the public perception of his reign. Also, this thesis evaluates the kind of messages that Nerva wanted to send by the way in which he condemned Domitian. Nerva’s history as loyal to the Flavians seems to conflict with his succession on the same day as the murder and the sanctions he put in place against his predecessor. The way in which he chose to deal with the memory of his predecessor is demonstrative of his successful attempt at distancing himself from the previous dynasty. Therefore, a study of the sanctions can both provide information about the perception of the condemned, which has since been lost, and also illustrate the policies of the next regime. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA) / In Ancient Rome, when an emperor or political figure was assassinated, often the Roman senate would levy sanctions against anything which recalled the memory of the condemned individual, for example, inscriptions and portraits. Some of these sanctions were voted for the emperor Domitian following his assassination in AD 96. By examining the physical evidence of these sanctions in the case of Domitian, some information can be gleaned about the execution of this kind of legislation in general, and how it was specifically done in the case of Domitian. By examining the ancient literary accounts, inscriptions, and sculpted likenesses of this emperor, the extent of these sanctions, as well as the motivations of those ordering them and carrying them out, can be established. In particular, the motivations of his successor, Nerva, in establishing these laws and the sentiments of the people towards Domitian are considered.

This thesis adopts a mixed-method approach of quantitative and qualitative analysis to discuss the role of women, especially female speakers and addressees, in Valerius Flaccus’ Argonautica. In addition to the traditional individual mortal and divine speech roles, discourse categories such as the influence of the Muses, the presentation of female personifications, female collectives, frame and inserted speakers, and goddesses in disguise are also taken into consideration. The study shows that, despite the shared subject matter and greatly overlapping ensemble of speakers, Valerius makes significant changes in nearly all categories of female speech representation. Valerius entirely omits some of Apollonius’ female speech acts, reduces speeches from oratio recta to mere speech summaries, replaces Greek goddesses with similar, but not equivalent Roman speakers, assigns new speech roles to previously silent female characters, adds important new episodes with female speakers that do not occur in Apollonius’ epic, changes the speech contexts, the conversational behaviour and the overall characterization of speakers – in isolated individual instances as well as in more complex character portrayals. Valerius even modifies or transfers entire discourse patterns such as conversational deceit in speech and silence, or divine disguise, from one speaker group to another, usually of the opposite sex. Valerius transforms the Apollonian arrangement of a male-dominated, 'epic' first half following the invocation of Apollo and a second female, 'elegiac' half with many female speech acts and epiphanies, after a revision of the narrator’s relationship with the Muses, into a more traditional portrayal of the Muses and a much more balanced occurrence and continued influence of female speakers. The different female voices of the Argonautica, especially Juno, can continuously be heard in the Flavian epic and provide the reader with an alternative perspective on the events. Even the less prominent female speakers are part of a well-balanced and refined structural arrangement and show influences of several pre-texts, which they sometimes self-consciously address and use to their advantage. There can be no doubt that, like Apollonius, Valerius does not merely use female speech acts to characterise the male protagonists, but follows a clear structuring principle. Whereas Apollonius in accordance with his revised invocation of the Muses concentrates the female speech acts in the second half of his epic, especially the final book, Valerius links episodes and individual characterizations through same-sex and opposite-sex speaker doublets and triplets that can be ascribed to and explained by Jupiter’s declaration of the Fata. From Juno’s unofficial opening monologue to Medea’s emotional closing argument, the female voice accompanies and guides the reader through the epic. The female perspective is not the dominant view, but rather one of many perspectives (divine, mortal, female, male, old, young, servant, ruler, et al.) that complement the primary viewpoint of the poet and the male, mortal protagonists and offer an alternative interpretation.

The author of this thesis examines the style of P. Papinius Statius'poetics in two of his descriptive poems from the Silvae. In the Introduction she puts forth basic data of his life and works. Then she describes Flavian building program and activities of Roman élite in relation with Statius' other descriptive poems. The author consequently puts separately both poems in question, that is Silvae 1.1. and 4.6, in historical and artistic context, then she summarizes existing research on the poems, then she defines genre, style and literary background of each poem and examines their structure. At the end of each chapter the author presents latin text and czech translation, commentary and analysis of typical elements of Statius's poetics in particular sections of the poems according to their structure. In the Conclusion the author summarizes what she has learned about the style of Statius' descriptive poems in relation to the people and objects described.

This diploma thesis deals with the issue of The Analysis of Construction Activities of the Flavian Dynasty Emperors in the Territory of the Roman Provinces. The Emperors are Vespasian, Titus and Domitian. The time of their rule is second half of the 1. century AD. It is about their lives and impact of the roman provinces territory. All three Emperors are known for their architecture boom in Rome and Italy, but in Roman Provinces it is about Territory expansion. Each Emperor of Flavian dynasty have a big interest in this Era and this leads to architecture construction, where was only barbaricum before it. Key words: Archaeology, Classical Archaeology, Roman Empire, Roman Provinces, Flavian Dynasty, Architecture

The thesis mainly studies social-historical co(n)texts to understand the polemic in Revelation against the so-called ‘Jews’ and a self-professed prophetess named ‘Jezebel’ (Rev 2-3). The enquiry centres on two areas: (1) the underlying issues to the polemic against the abovenamed contenders, and (2) a reading of a polemical technique in the text against prophetess ‘Jezebel’ through a specific web of associations involving two ‘Jezebels’ and a great harlot. Preliminary studies provide the framework for the main enquiry. ‘Historical anchorage’ is attained in the echoes/allusions of the beast from the sea-abyss to emperor Titus (Ch. 2) and the ‘Satanic trio’ and their cult (Rev 13) to the Flavian dynasty and cult (Ch. 3). A real crisis for Christians is seen late in Domitian’s time involving pressure from the Flavian provincial temple, widespread false accusations of άθεότηζ άσέβεια or maiestas and pressures from Domitian’s rigorous exaction of the Jewish tax. These matters are seen to implicate both Jewish and Gentile Christians (Ch. 4). The figure of the beasts, the social pressure from the imperial cult, and the vulnerability of Christians reflected in these preliminary studies contribute to a fuller understanding of the anti-Judaistic polemic. There are reasons to think that the anti-Judaistic polemic in Rev 2:9-10 and 3:9 is not aimed at the Jewish community per se, but acts to discourage Christians from feigning affiliation with the synagogue to escape social pressure from the imperial cult. There is a growing importance of the imperial cult towards the end of the first century C.E. in Asia Minor, and a judaizing tendency among some Christians there late first century and beyond. Importantly, Rev 14:9- 11 reflects the author’s major concern about (1) participation in the imperial cult and (2) Christian ‘judaizing’ behaviour (the mark of beast as tefillin worn by outsiders to Rabbinic Judaism). Under the author’s creative hand, the beast from the land/false prophet becomes the ‘Satanic’ source of pressure to these two aspects (cf. 13:11-17; Ch. 5). The second major part demonstrates a polemical technique in the text that binds the prophetess ‘Jezebel’ with an OT Queen and the Great Harlot (Rev 17-18). Social meals with drinking parties in guilds/associations and the imperial cult could have been a common context for allurements to sexual immorality and eating idol-food that ‘Jezebel’ advocates. I construct a picture of the prophetess ‘Jezebel’, who perhaps doubles as a patroness of a trade guild incorporating members from the Thyatiran church. Pagan ‘mysteries’ could have been a part of her activities (Ch. 6). I also examine the Great Harlot within the Graeco-Roman context giving attention to her depiction as tyrannical and sexually immoral queens and assimilated goddesses, such as Isis, Cybele, Aphrodite and Roma (Ch. 7). The OT Queen Jezebel is also studied within her social-historical context. She is seen to take on the image of the ‘woman at the window’ (2 Kgs 9:30), reflective of goddess Astarte or her temple servant. Her role as the ‘הבׂבג’ (great lady; 2 Kgs 10:13) and queen mother also fits that of another goddess, Asherah, whose prophets she hosts (Ch. 8). The destruction of Queen Jezebel and that of the Great Harlot contain a polemic against pagan deities they both embody. The prophetess veering into pagan grounds of idolatry is bound tightly with them and is indirectly castigated for her syncretistic practices (Ch. 9). Overall, the author’s polemic in Revelation acts to deter Christians from veering into the grounds of ‘Satan’—the imperial cult and the synagogue (as the author puts it)—and against behaviours, such as sexual license and eating food offered to idols, that would allow Christians to easily enter contexts involving pagan worship.