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"We're made of meat, so why should we eat vegetables?" : food discourses in the school subject home and consumer studiesBohm, Ingela January 2016 (has links)
Background: Food has many different functions. On a physical level, it is needed to survive and to maintain health, but it also has many social, psychological, and emotional meanings. For example, food is used to build relationships, to mark hierarchies, to celebrate holidays, and to influence mood and self-image. Different foods have different cultural meanings, and people are socialized from an early age to recognize and utilize their symbolic value. One arena where food occupies a central position is the Swedish school subject Home and Consumer Studies (HCS), which focuses on both the physical and the psychosocial dimensions of food-related health. Since these dimensions are not always compatible, the aim of this dissertation was to explore how students and teachers of HCS use big 'D' Discourses to talk about and handle food, with a special focus on vegetables, meat, vegetarian food, and sweet foods. Methods: Fifty-nine students and five teachers were observed, recorded, and in some cases video-taped. Participants’ talk about vegetables, meat, vegetarian food, and sweet foods was transcribed verbatim and analysed for big 'D' Discourses. Results: Students mostly based their choice of vegetables on sensory and cultural Discourses. Some vegetables were mandatory and others were optional, depending on whether or not they were part of a recipe or a cultural tradition. The health Discourse was only used if a specific assignment demanded it, and was closely tied to the evaluation Discourse. Contrary to the sometimes optional status of vegetables, meat was seen as central in the sensory, cultural, health, and social Discourses. Therefore the reduction of meat could be problematic. It was regarded as simultaneously healthy and unhealthy, and it could elicit disgust, but whenever participants talked about decreasing meat consumption, its centrality was invoked as a counterargument. As an extension of this, vegetarian food was seen as 'empty', deviant, and an unattainable ideal. Access to vegetarian food was limited for meat-eaters, and vegetarians were othered in both positive and negative ways. When vegetarian food was cooked during lessons, it was constructed as something out of the ordinary. Sweet foods could be viewed as a treasure, as something dangerous and disgusting, or as an unnecessary extra. Home-made varieties were seen as superior. Sweet foods gave social status to both students and teachers, and they could be traded or given away to mark relationships and hierarchies, but also withheld and used to police others. Conclusion: In summary, two powerful potential opposites met in the HCS classroom: the Discourses of normality (sensory, cultural, and social Discourses), and the Discourses of responsibility (health and evaluation). Normality could make physically healthy food choices difficult because of participants' social identity, the conflicted health Discourse, and too-strict ideals. On the other hand, some people were excluded from normality itself, notably vegetarians, who were seen as deviant eaters, and teachers, who had to balance state-regulated goals in HCS against local norms. To counteract such problems, teachers can 1) focus on sensory experiences, experimental cooking methods, and already popular foods, 2) challenge normality by the way they speak about and handle different types of food, 3) make cooking and eating more communal and socially inclusive, 4) explore the psychosocial dimension of health on the same level as the physical dimension, and 5) make sure they do not grade students' cultural backgrounds, social identities, or taste preferences. This might go some way towards empowering students to make informed choices about food and health. However, scant resources of things like time, money, and equipment limit what can be achieved in the subject. / Mat har många olika funktioner. Rent fysiskt behöver vi den för att överleva och behålla hälsan, men den har också en rad sociala, psykologiska och känslomässiga betydelser. Exempelvis används mat för att bygga relationer, för att markera hierarkier eller tider på dagen och för att påverka humöret och självbilden. Olika livsmedel har olika symboliskt innehåll, och barn socialiseras tidigt in i ett visst sätt att äta och tänka kring mat. Ett område där mat har en central plats är det svenska skolämnet hem- och konsumentkunskap (HKK). I kursplanen finns ett starkt fokus på både fysisk och psykosocial hälsa, men för en del människor kan dessa dimensioner ibland vara mer eller mindre inkompatibla. Därför ville jag i denna avhandling undersöka hur lärare och elever pratar om och hanterar olika sorters mat i HKK och vad detta kan få för konsekvenser för lärandet om hälsa. Jag observerade och spelade in fem lärare och 59 elever med mp3-spelare under 26 HKK-lektioner på fem olika skolor. I vissa fall där jag fick tillåtelse filmade jag också det som hände. Därefter transkriberade jag allt tal om grönsaker, kött, vegetarisk mat och sötsaker och analyserade detta tal med hjälp av diskursanalys för att få reda på vad deltagarna i studien sade "mellan raderna", det vill säga hur deras världsbild kring olika livsmedel såg ut. Resultatet visade att elever i de flesta fall var fria att välja grönsaker utifrån den egna smaken, förutom när receptet gjorde en viss grönsak obligatorisk eller när en skoluppgift krävde att man skulle ta hänsyn till hälsa. När läraren ansåg att en grönsak var obligatorisk var det mycket svårt för eleven att undvika den, medan däremot grönsaker som bara sågs som tillbehör i många fall blev ignorerade. Vad gällde hälsa kunde grönsaker vara "allmänt nyttiga", men oftare var de bärare av ett specifikt näringsämne som behövdes för att lösa en skoluppgift. I några fall sågs de som tomma och värdelösa. Kött var centralt och svårt att avstå ifrån, inte bara på grund av smaken utan även för att det "hörde till" de flesta rätter och gav livsviktiga näringsämnen. Samtidigt som det sågs som hälsosamt kunde det också vara farligt, eftersom man kunde äta för mycket protein eller mättat fett. Kött kunde användas som relationsbyggare mellan elever och för att markera status i klassen, så att de som riskerade att hamna utanför var rädda att inte få lika mycket kött som andra. Protein sågs som viktigt och var kopplat till manlighet, muskler och styrka. I motsats till kött sågs vegetarisk mat som "tom", annorlunda och ett ouppnåeligt ideal. Det var svårt för icke-vegetarianer att få tillgång till vegetarisk mat, förutom när det utgjorde ett särskilt lektionstema. Maten sågs som bristfällig eftersom den inte innehöll kött, och den krävde extra planering för att se till att man fick i sig alla aminosyror. Det kunde vara socialt krångligt att vara vegetarian eftersom det krävde extra jobb av kompisar och skolkökspersonal, men många respekterade vegetarianens val och ansträngde sig för att göra en särskild portion åt dem. Sötsaker var åtråvärda, men också farliga, äckliga eller onödiga. Hemgjorda bakverk hade högre status. Sötsaker kunde användas för att markera vem man var kompis med och inte, men gav även upphov till konflikter när elever hade olika åsikt om det "perfekta resultatet" eller när de var rädda att inte få rättvisa mängder. På grund av sötsakernas koppling till sjukdom och viktuppgång kunde de också användas för att peka ut och nedvärdera dem som åt för mycket eller vid fel tillfälle. Sammanfattningsvis förekom två huvudgrupper av diskurser: normalitet och ansvar. Å ena sidan sågs smak, kultur och sociala ritualer som viktigt när man talade om och valde matvaror, men å andra sidan krävde ämnet att man såg på mat ur ett mer vetenskapligt hälsoperspektiv. Synen på normalitet gjorde det svårt att välja fysiskt hälsosam mat eftersom social identitet, den motsägelsefulla synen på hälsa och alltför strikta ideal stod i vägen. Å andra sidan fanns det personer som inte hade tillgång till normalitet, såsom vegetarianer och även lärare, som tvingades balansera statligt uppställda mål inom ämnet mot en lokalkultur med delvis andra värderingar. För att motverka dessa problem kan lärare 1) fokusera på sensorisk träning, experimentell matlagning och måltider som bygger på redan populära rätter, 2) utmana synen på normalitet genom sitt sätt att prata om och hantera olika sorters mat, 3) jobba för att göra matlagningen och måltiderna mer socialt inkluderande, 4) utforska den psykosociala dimensionen av hälsa på samma nivå som den fysiska för att elever ska kunna resonera kring sina matval utifrån smak, kultur och sociala relationer, och 5) undvika fällan att betygsätta elevers smak och kulturella bakgrund. Denna typ av undervisning skulle kunna ge elever fler verktyg för att kunna göra självständiga hälsoval, men det förutsätter att läraren får tillräckligt med resurser i form av lektionstid, förvaringsutrymme och en budget som möjliggör ett brett sortiment av livsmedel.
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Espaço social alimentar: o programa Mesa Brasil Sesc Goiás / Food social space: the Mesa Brasil SESC Goiás program 2014Mota, Lucimar Maria 29 August 2014 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2014-08-29 / The observation of a significant number of Brazilians presented in poverty and misery, deprived of
the opportunity to exercise the fundamental right to food, essential to life with dignity has, over the
years, required by government agencies and civil society, the effectiveness of social programs of
the emergency order to fight against poverty and hunger led to the poorest segments of the
population. While important, these programs on the context in which they were created, failed to
reverse the situation of poverty and, therefore, the disturbing problem of hunger in the country. In
2003, as part of government strategies to address poverty, the federal government implemented the
Zero Hunger Program, a new perspective on hunger and poverty eradication, articulated a policy
proposal on food security and nutrition. In this context and year, there is also the Mesa Brasil
SESC Program (MBS), a food and nutritional program against hunger and food waste. This Mesa
Brasil SESC Goiás program is the subject of this study, which was accomplished in Goiânia –
headquarters of physical facilities of MBS, based on the research from 2004 to 2013. It was
attempted to, as main objective, identify, from the concept of food and nutrition security that is
based on the principles of sufficiency, quality and adequacy, the measures adopted by the MSB
against hunger and against food waste, and are implemented in a transverse perspective,
educational and cultural activities in the social field space / social space food. Linking theory and
methodology, we have used sociocultural theory of Bourdieu promoting understanding, through his
concepts of field and habitus of the food, the set of values, ideas, beliefs and symbols that shape
practices and educational initiatives developed by MBS. In an interaction of the concept of social
field food, Bourdieu was used again, the theory to understand the representation was from Poulain
to understand the representation of the practices and hierarchical and reciprocal social relationships
that are built around food. This concept of social space and social dimensions of food in this space
(of edatable, the food system, the space eater, consumer habits and the temporality of food),
allowed to identify all these articulated and configured in the social space of MBS dimensions. The
study of the case as a method of empirical research has favored the simultaneous use of different
techniques and research tools allowed to cross and compare information, confirm and analyze
together with the individual, and the individual with together, showing multiple situations, social
and cultural relations that are structured within the space of MBS. The results of this work indicate
significant advances of Mesa Brazil Sesc Goiás Programme according to their objectives and also
challenges. Challenges, most of the time, with structural solutions. / A constatação da existência de um contingente expressivo de brasileiros submetidos a situação de
pobreza e miséria, destituídos da possibilidade de exercer o direito humano básico à alimentação,
fundamental à existência com dignidade, tem-se, ao longo dos anos, requerido por parte dos órgãos
governamentais e sociedade civil organizada, a efetivação de programas sociais de ordem
emergencial no combate à pobreza e à fome, direcionados aos segmentos mais pobres da
população brasileira. Ainda que importantes, esses programas, no contexto em que foram criados,
não conseguiram reverter o quadro da pobreza e, consequentemente, o problema inquietante da
fome no país. Em 2003, no âmbito das estratégias governamentais de enfrentamento à pobreza, o
governo federal implantou o Programa Fome Zero, uma nova perspectiva de combate à fome e de
erradicação da pobreza, articulada a uma proposta política de segurança alimentar e nutricional.
Nesse contexto e ano, surge também o Programa Mesa Brasil SESC (MBS), um programa de
segurança alimentar e nutricional contra a fome e o desperdício de alimentos. O Programa Mesa
Brasil SESC Goiás é o objeto deste trabalho, realizado em Goiânia – sede das instalações físicas do
MBS, tendo como marco de investigação o período de 2004 a 2013. Buscou-se, como objetivo
principal, identificar, a partir da concepção de segurança alimentar e nutricional, que tem como
base os princípios da suficiência, da qualidade e da adequação, as medidas adotadas pelo MBS
contra a fome e o desperdício de alimentos e, ainda como são concretizadas, numa perspectiva
transversal, as ações educativas e culturais neste espaço social alimentar. Articulando teoria e
metodologia, recorreu-se à teoria sociocultural de Bourdieu buscando compreender, por meio dos
seus conceitos de campo e habitus alimentar, o conjunto de valores, ideias, crenças e símbolos que
estruturam as ações e práticas educativas desenvolvidas pelo MBS. Numa interação do conceito de
campo social alimentar de Bourdieu, recorreu-se ainda, à teoria de Poulain para entender a
representação das práticas e relações sociais hierárquicas e de reciprocidade que se constroem em
torno da alimentação. Seu conceito de espaço social alimentar e as dimensões sociais da
alimentação nesse espaço (do comestível, do sistema alimentar, espaço do comedor, dos hábitos de
consumo e da temporalidade alimentar), permitiram identificar essas várias dimensões articuladas e
configuradas no espaço social alimentar do MBS. O estudo de caso, como método de investigação
empírica, favoreceu a utilização simultânea de diferentes técnicas e instrumentos de pesquisa, as
quais permitiram cruzar e comparar informações, comparar e analisar o todo com o particular, e
vice-versa, mostrando múltiplas situações e as relações sociais e culturais que se estruturam no
interior do espaço social do MBS. Os resultados deste trabalho apontam significativos avanços do
Programa Mesa Brasil SESC Goiás em relação a seus objetivos e também seus desafios. Desafios
estes, em sua maioria, na dependência de soluções estruturais.
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