Este trabalho analisa a propaganda oficial do Brasil nos Estados Unidos da América, de 1930 a 1945, no anseio de entender como o governo capitaneado por Getúlio Vargas estabeleceu uma política de promoção da imagem do Brasil naquele país. A organização da propaganda externa contou com atuação dos seguintes órgãos: Departamentos de publicidade/propaganda, principalmente o Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda (DIP); Escritório de informações brasileiras nos EEUU, ligado ao Ministério do Trabalho, Indústria e Comércio; postos diplomáticos do Ministério das Relações Exteriores; além dos órgãos norte-americanos: Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs (OCIAA) do governo estaduninse; e American Brazilian Association, de natureza privada. Destaca-se o fato de que cada órgão brasileiro, a sua maneira, concebia e realizava, com relativa autonomia, ações de promoção da imagem positiva do País nos Estados Unidos. Os elementos em comum às formas de propaganda desses órgãos foram as ações empregadas, a exemplo do envio de notícias aos jornais, análise das matérias sobre o Brasil, acolhida de personalidades, promoção de intercâmbios artísticos, educacionais e científicos, fomento a publicações informativas sobre o País como as revistas Brazil, Brazil Today e Travel in Brazil. Destaca-se a contratação, de maneira informal, do famoso redator da coluna Washington Merry-Go-Round, Drew Pearson, como agente de imprensa do Brasil. Essas ações detinham também um mesmo público-alvo, composto de jornalistas, empresários, políticos, intelectuais, militares e demais personalidades consideradas formadoras de opinião; ou seja, pessoas que podiam, de algum modo, interferir ou influenciar os rumos dos interesses nacionais nos assuntos externos dos EUA / This study analyzes the Brazilians government propaganda in the United States, from 1930 to 1945, which to aim to understand how the government headed by President Getúlio Vargas established a Brazil\'s image in that country. The organization of the Brazilian propaganda abroad featured by performance of the following agencies: Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda (DIP); Brazilian Information Bureau, diplomatic posts owned by the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Itamaraty; and the American organizations: Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs (OCIAA) of U.S government; American and Brazilian Association, a private agency. Noteworthy is the fact that every Brazilian agency, in its way, conceived and performed with relative autonomy, actions to promote the positive image of the Brazil in the U.S. The common elements of forms of propaganda were employed, such as sending news to American newspapers, analysis of news about Brazil in the American Press, welcoming American personalities, promotion of artistic, educational and scientific exchanges, fostering informative publications about Brazil, such as magazines Brazil, Brazil Today and Travel in Brazil. The Brazilian government hired, informally, Drew Pearson, the editor of the famous column Washington Merry-go-round, as press agent of Brazil. These actions held by the same audience, composed of journalists, businessmen, politicians, intellectuals, military and other persons considered public opinion makers; that is, people who could in any way interfere with or influence the direction of national interests in foreign affairs in U.S.

Este trabalho analisa a propaganda oficial do Brasil nos Estados Unidos da América, de 1930 a 1945, no anseio de entender como o governo capitaneado por Getúlio Vargas estabeleceu uma política de promoção da imagem do Brasil naquele país. A organização da propaganda externa contou com atuação dos seguintes órgãos: Departamentos de publicidade/propaganda, principalmente o Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda (DIP); Escritório de informações brasileiras nos EEUU, ligado ao Ministério do Trabalho, Indústria e Comércio; postos diplomáticos do Ministério das Relações Exteriores; além dos órgãos norte-americanos: Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs (OCIAA) do governo estaduninse; e American Brazilian Association, de natureza privada. Destaca-se o fato de que cada órgão brasileiro, a sua maneira, concebia e realizava, com relativa autonomia, ações de promoção da imagem positiva do País nos Estados Unidos. Os elementos em comum às formas de propaganda desses órgãos foram as ações empregadas, a exemplo do envio de notícias aos jornais, análise das matérias sobre o Brasil, acolhida de personalidades, promoção de intercâmbios artísticos, educacionais e científicos, fomento a publicações informativas sobre o País como as revistas Brazil, Brazil Today e Travel in Brazil. Destaca-se a contratação, de maneira informal, do famoso redator da coluna Washington Merry-Go-Round, Drew Pearson, como agente de imprensa do Brasil. Essas ações detinham também um mesmo público-alvo, composto de jornalistas, empresários, políticos, intelectuais, militares e demais personalidades consideradas formadoras de opinião; ou seja, pessoas que podiam, de algum modo, interferir ou influenciar os rumos dos interesses nacionais nos assuntos externos dos EUA / This study analyzes the Brazilians government propaganda in the United States, from 1930 to 1945, which to aim to understand how the government headed by President Getúlio Vargas established a Brazil\'s image in that country. The organization of the Brazilian propaganda abroad featured by performance of the following agencies: Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda (DIP); Brazilian Information Bureau, diplomatic posts owned by the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Itamaraty; and the American organizations: Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs (OCIAA) of U.S government; American and Brazilian Association, a private agency. Noteworthy is the fact that every Brazilian agency, in its way, conceived and performed with relative autonomy, actions to promote the positive image of the Brazil in the U.S. The common elements of forms of propaganda were employed, such as sending news to American newspapers, analysis of news about Brazil in the American Press, welcoming American personalities, promotion of artistic, educational and scientific exchanges, fostering informative publications about Brazil, such as magazines Brazil, Brazil Today and Travel in Brazil. The Brazilian government hired, informally, Drew Pearson, the editor of the famous column Washington Merry-go-round, as press agent of Brazil. These actions held by the same audience, composed of journalists, businessmen, politicians, intellectuals, military and other persons considered public opinion makers; that is, people who could in any way interfere with or influence the direction of national interests in foreign affairs in U.S.

“Shattered Communities: Soldiers, Rabbis, and the Ostjuden during Occupation: 1915-1918" addresses the interethnic experience in Poland during the German occupation of 1915-1918. This dissertation demonstrates that the German design for 'modernization' of the East began with the First World War, which envisioned the Jews as a critically vital component, rather than an obstacle to their success. The German military made its connection to the peoples in the East via its own army rabbis and Jewish administrators. This work examines the role of the German Army rabbis, in 1915, in establishing a Jewish press and Jewish schools, along with Jewish relief agencies funded by German Jewish businessmen, in assisting the local Ostjuden communities. By the time the guns stopped firing in 1918, however, the German government had reneged on their promises of recognition and help, and the circumstances of many Ostjuden were as precarious as they had been before the war. Even worse, the experience of war in the East encouraged the rise of racist nationalism in Germany and Eastern Europe. The roots of Nazi policies toward Jews were planted firmly in Poland and Lithuania between 1915 and 1918. But for defeat in the war, it is highly unlikely that the Nazis would ever have risen to power, and in the absence of the German experience of war in the East, the later commitment to a Jewish genocide might never have been imagined. By examining the transnational relationship between the Germans and the Polish Jewish communities during the Great War, I contribute to a better understanding of the complexities leading to the crucial fracture that took place under the pressure of total war in 1917.

Esta dissertação defende que a política externa brasileira sofreu transformações significativas durante os dois mandatos de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Neste período, o Brasil mudou seu foco de ação diplomática, passando a privilegiar a chamada esfera Sul-Sul. Neste sentido, países e regiões que eram apenas parceiros periféricos, passaram a ser alvo de esforços diplomáticos inéditos na história internacional brasileira. Estas transformações estão relacionadas com uma ruptura da própria estrutura geradora da diplomacia, dentro do Ministério das Relações Exteriores. Busca-se elucidar os principais fatores que levaram as mudanças. Para isso, são desenvolvidas três questões fundamentais: a primeira considera se houve uma ruptura nos moldes segundo os quais o Itamaraty lidou com a política externa brasileira neste período. A segunda trata em qual medida essa ruptura esteve relacionada à visão-mundo, e a ideologia presente no grupo político que chegou ao poder com a eleição de Lula da Silva. Por fim, a terceira estuda as vantagens e desvantagens que esse tipo de abordagem resultou quanto à composição da diplomacia brasileira nas relações exteriores. / This thesis argues that the Brazilian foreign policy has undergone significant changes during the two terms of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva. In this period, Brazil changed its focus of diplomatic action, privileging the so-called South-South sphere. In this sense, countries and regions that were only peripheral partners, were the subject of unprecedented diplomatic efforts. These changes are related to a disruption of the structure that creates diplomatic thinking within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Our aim is to elucidate the main factors that led the changes. To achieve this, developed three key issues: the first considers whether there was a break in the manner by which the Foreign Ministry dealt with the Brazilian foreign policy in this period. The second is to what extent this rupture was related to the world-vision, and ideology in this political group that came to power with the election of Lula da Silva. Finally, the third analyzes the advantages and disadvantages to this approach resulted in the composition Brazilian diplomacy in foreign relations.

Esta dissertação defende que a política externa brasileira sofreu transformações significativas durante os dois mandatos de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Neste período, o Brasil mudou seu foco de ação diplomática, passando a privilegiar a chamada esfera Sul-Sul. Neste sentido, países e regiões que eram apenas parceiros periféricos, passaram a ser alvo de esforços diplomáticos inéditos na história internacional brasileira. Estas transformações estão relacionadas com uma ruptura da própria estrutura geradora da diplomacia, dentro do Ministério das Relações Exteriores. Busca-se elucidar os principais fatores que levaram as mudanças. Para isso, são desenvolvidas três questões fundamentais: a primeira considera se houve uma ruptura nos moldes segundo os quais o Itamaraty lidou com a política externa brasileira neste período. A segunda trata em qual medida essa ruptura esteve relacionada à visão-mundo, e a ideologia presente no grupo político que chegou ao poder com a eleição de Lula da Silva. Por fim, a terceira estuda as vantagens e desvantagens que esse tipo de abordagem resultou quanto à composição da diplomacia brasileira nas relações exteriores. / This thesis argues that the Brazilian foreign policy has undergone significant changes during the two terms of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva. In this period, Brazil changed its focus of diplomatic action, privileging the so-called South-South sphere. In this sense, countries and regions that were only peripheral partners, were the subject of unprecedented diplomatic efforts. These changes are related to a disruption of the structure that creates diplomatic thinking within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Our aim is to elucidate the main factors that led the changes. To achieve this, developed three key issues: the first considers whether there was a break in the manner by which the Foreign Ministry dealt with the Brazilian foreign policy in this period. The second is to what extent this rupture was related to the world-vision, and ideology in this political group that came to power with the election of Lula da Silva. Finally, the third analyzes the advantages and disadvantages to this approach resulted in the composition Brazilian diplomacy in foreign relations.

Esta dissertação defende que a política externa brasileira sofreu transformações significativas durante os dois mandatos de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Neste período, o Brasil mudou seu foco de ação diplomática, passando a privilegiar a chamada esfera Sul-Sul. Neste sentido, países e regiões que eram apenas parceiros periféricos, passaram a ser alvo de esforços diplomáticos inéditos na história internacional brasileira. Estas transformações estão relacionadas com uma ruptura da própria estrutura geradora da diplomacia, dentro do Ministério das Relações Exteriores. Busca-se elucidar os principais fatores que levaram as mudanças. Para isso, são desenvolvidas três questões fundamentais: a primeira considera se houve uma ruptura nos moldes segundo os quais o Itamaraty lidou com a política externa brasileira neste período. A segunda trata em qual medida essa ruptura esteve relacionada à visão-mundo, e a ideologia presente no grupo político que chegou ao poder com a eleição de Lula da Silva. Por fim, a terceira estuda as vantagens e desvantagens que esse tipo de abordagem resultou quanto à composição da diplomacia brasileira nas relações exteriores. / This thesis argues that the Brazilian foreign policy has undergone significant changes during the two terms of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva. In this period, Brazil changed its focus of diplomatic action, privileging the so-called South-South sphere. In this sense, countries and regions that were only peripheral partners, were the subject of unprecedented diplomatic efforts. These changes are related to a disruption of the structure that creates diplomatic thinking within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Our aim is to elucidate the main factors that led the changes. To achieve this, developed three key issues: the first considers whether there was a break in the manner by which the Foreign Ministry dealt with the Brazilian foreign policy in this period. The second is to what extent this rupture was related to the world-vision, and ideology in this political group that came to power with the election of Lula da Silva. Finally, the third analyzes the advantages and disadvantages to this approach resulted in the composition Brazilian diplomacy in foreign relations.

Ce mémoire vise à élucider les implications de l’intégration européenne pour les diplomaties nationales. À partir d’une approche sociologique axée sur les pratiques des individus, une étude de cas est menée sur la diplomatie autrichienne, pour la période allant de 1987 à 2009. S’appuyant sur une vingtaine d’entretiens conduits en 2009 à Vienne, cette étude rend compte, d’une part, des changements engendrés par l’intégration européenne de l’Autriche au regard des pratiques et des représentations de ses diplomates concernant la politique de neutralité. D’autre part, nous relatons le processus d’adaptation des diplomates et du ministère des Affaires étrangères autrichiens aux exigences pratiques et aux dynamiques sociales de l’interaction diplomatique au sein de l’Union européenne (UE). En somme, notre étude montre que les diplomates impliqués dans la gestion des affaires (tant internes qu’externes) de l’UE convergent autour d’un certain nombre de règles et de représentations sociales; cette dynamique a des implications substantielles pour les diplomaties nationales intégrées relativement tardivement dans l’UE, comme ce fut le cas pour l’Autriche. / This master’s thesis seeks to analyse the implications of European integration for national diplomacy. Using a sociological approach premised on individuals’ practices, I undertake a case study, spanned between 1987 and 2009, on the Austrian diplomatic corps. This study - which draws upon interview material collected in Vienna in 2009 – recounts the changes brought by European integration for Austrian diplomats’ practices and representations of neutrality, the latter being a core tenet of Austria’s diplomacy during the Cold War. We also concentrate on the adaptation process undergone by Austrian diplomats and their foreign ministry regarding the social dynamics at play in diplomatic interaction within the European Union (EU). Overall, I argue that diplomats involved in the daily management of EU business (either internal or external affairs) converge on a set of rules and social representations; altogether this process amounts to substantial adaptation and change for a diplomatic corps joining the EU in 1995 like Austria’s.

Ce mémoire vise à élucider les implications de l’intégration européenne pour les diplomaties nationales. À partir d’une approche sociologique axée sur les pratiques des individus, une étude de cas est menée sur la diplomatie autrichienne, pour la période allant de 1987 à 2009. S’appuyant sur une vingtaine d’entretiens conduits en 2009 à Vienne, cette étude rend compte, d’une part, des changements engendrés par l’intégration européenne de l’Autriche au regard des pratiques et des représentations de ses diplomates concernant la politique de neutralité. D’autre part, nous relatons le processus d’adaptation des diplomates et du ministère des Affaires étrangères autrichiens aux exigences pratiques et aux dynamiques sociales de l’interaction diplomatique au sein de l’Union européenne (UE). En somme, notre étude montre que les diplomates impliqués dans la gestion des affaires (tant internes qu’externes) de l’UE convergent autour d’un certain nombre de règles et de représentations sociales; cette dynamique a des implications substantielles pour les diplomaties nationales intégrées relativement tardivement dans l’UE, comme ce fut le cas pour l’Autriche. / This master’s thesis seeks to analyse the implications of European integration for national diplomacy. Using a sociological approach premised on individuals’ practices, I undertake a case study, spanned between 1987 and 2009, on the Austrian diplomatic corps. This study - which draws upon interview material collected in Vienna in 2009 – recounts the changes brought by European integration for Austrian diplomats’ practices and representations of neutrality, the latter being a core tenet of Austria’s diplomacy during the Cold War. We also concentrate on the adaptation process undergone by Austrian diplomats and their foreign ministry regarding the social dynamics at play in diplomatic interaction within the European Union (EU). Overall, I argue that diplomats involved in the daily management of EU business (either internal or external affairs) converge on a set of rules and social representations; altogether this process amounts to substantial adaptation and change for a diplomatic corps joining the EU in 1995 like Austria’s.