Thesis (Ph. D.)--Oregon State University, 2010. / Printout. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 129-145). Also available on the World Wide Web.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Tennessee, Knoxville, 2008. / Title from title page screen (viewed on Sept. 17, 2009). Thesis advisor: George M. Hopper. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.S.)--Mississippi State University. Department of Forestry. / Title from title screen. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (doctoral)--Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences, 2003. / Thesis documentation sheet inserted. Appendix reproduces five published papers and submitted manuscripts, four co-authored with others. Includes bibliographical references. Also partially issued electronically via World Wide Web in PDF format; online version lacks appendix.

Nonindustrial private forest (NIPF) landowners have been major players in increasing forest productivity and improving forest health. Understanding what factors influence landowner participation in government programs, and furthermore, what factors determinate how quickly after harvest landowners regenerate, is critical for developing policies to improve landowner participation in government assistance programs and timely regeneration of harvested lands. Two studies were conducted to investigate these issues. The necessary data were obtained through a 2006 telephone survey of randomly selected Mississippi NIPF landowners. Factors considered included an array of land, ownership, management, and demographic characteristics. In the first study, a two-step landowner behavior model was constructed to explain NIPF landowner participation in government incentive programs, conditional on their awareness of these programs. The second study used duration analysis to analyze the time elapsed between harvest and regeneration. Interest in timber production, past regeneration experience, education, and membership in forestry organization influenced NIPF landowner knowledge of incentive programs and were significant predictors of participation. Those NIPF landownersn who regenerated, did so on average, 11 months after harvest. After the 16th month following harvest, the probability of regenerating harvested lands decreased rapidly. The interval between harvest and reforestation was reduced by maintaining an interest in timber production, consulting a forester to coordinate the harvest, residing on the forest land, having planted pines, and increasing timber prices.

Non-timber forest products (NTFPs) have been harvested in the wild for generations in Appalachia. Demand for forest farmed raw material and transparent supply chains is growing, which has increased attention on the role of NTFPs in regional livelihoods. We conducted an embedded case study to understand contemporary NTFP harvest, perceptions of community-based development of NTFP livelihood opportunities, and the extent to which forest landowners are interested forest farming. One case study focused on Grayson County, Virginia and included semi-structured interviews with 16 key stakeholders. Interviews explored motivations, species preferences, and uses of NTFPs among individuals and then perceived assets, obstacles, and desired strategies for NTFP livelihood development within the community. Through qualitative analysis we found financial benefits, engagement with nature, and personal preferences (personal fulfillment, learning and creativity, and lifestyle) were key motivators. Newcomers to Appalachia were more likely to balance monetary, environmental, and lifestyle motivations, and multigenerational residents focused more on financial motivations and to a lesser degree lifestyle. We used the community capitals framework to analyze the community focused data and found references to natural, human, and cultural capital as both an asset and an obstacle. Financial capital was a top-obstacle whereas social capital was a top asset. Strategies focused on social, human, and financial capital investments such as social networking, educational programming, tax incentive programs, and local fundraising. The regional case study surveyed via mail those who own 5 or more acres of forestland in 14 Southwest Virginia Appalachian counties to understand extent to which they are interested in forest farming or leasing land for forest farming. We had a response rate of 28.9% and found 45% of forest landowners, owning 47% of the forestland, were interested in forest farming. Those that were likely to lease their land accounted for 36% of all respondents and owned 43% of the forestland. Further, those who were interested did not differ based on demographic and land characteristics. Our study reveals the contemporary state of NTFP livelihoods combines markets sales with broader homesteading objectives and that lifestyle and environmental motivators are an increasing focus as newcomers take roots in the region. Further, communities may be able to draw upon the cultural and natural capital around NTFPs as well as the strong social capital often present in rural communities to further invest in social networking, education, financial incentives, and funding to support NTFP livelihood development. Finally, forest farming and leasing of land for this practice is of considerable and broad appeal to forestland owners in Southwest Virginia, which may indicate possibilities for a critical mass to supply a growing demand for sustainably sourced and quality NTFP raw materials. / Doctor of Philosophy / In recent decades Appalachia has experienced socioeconomic challenges with lack of employment opportunities, high poverty levels and the resulting outmigration of residents, especially youth, in search of work. At the same time newcomers are migrating into the area drawn by the culture and natural environment, which is shifting the social fabric of the region. It is in this new context that communities are asked to develop livelihood opportunities using what is available to them. Non-timber forest products (NTFPs) have been harvested in the wild for generations in Appalachia and offer one avenue of possibility, especially as the market has begun to support higher prices for raw materials that meet the increasing consumer demand for sustainability and quality. Within these new dynamics we set out to understand contemporary uses of NTFPs in Appalachia, and what motivates people to work with these species, as well as community perceptions about how to develop NTFP livelihood opportunities, and the extent to which Appalachian residents are interested in forest farming (the cultivation or stewardship of NTFPs in an existing forest). Our study reveals the contemporary state of NTFP livelihoods combines markets sales with broader homesteading objectives and that lifestyle and environmental motivators are an increasing focus as newcomers take roots in the region. Further, communities may be able to draw upon the cultural and natural capital around NTFPs as well as the strong social and human capital often present in rural communities to further invest in social networking, education, financial incentives, and funding to support NTFP livelihood development. Finally, forest farming and leasing of land for this practice is of considerable and broad appeal to forestland owners in Southwest Virginia, which may indicate possibilities for a critical mass to supply a growing demand for sustainably sourced and quality NTFP raw materials.

Forest management practices which reduce southern pine beetle (SPB) risk benefit not only the landowners who perform them, but all those who draw benefits from southern pine forests in Virginia, especially other forest owners within the same region. One such management practice is pre-commercial thinning (PCT), which is particularly unattractive to non-industrial private forest (NIPF) landowners because of the substantial costs and delayed financial returns involved. Since the benefits to society generated by PCT are not fully realized by the individuals who might implement it, there may be a market externality in which PCT is underprovided across the landscape. The Pine Bark Beetle Prevention Program (PBBPP) has the potential to correct this externality by reimbursing a portion of the costs of PCT for landowners who qualify. However, cost share incentives have been criticized for being ineffectual on the basis that landowners substitute publicly funded reimbursement for private investment, without altering their management practices. To investigate the effect of the PBBPP cost share for PCT, a survey was sent to 1,200 NIPF landowners in seven counties across the Piedmont and Coastal Plain physiographic regions of Virginia, where southern pine is prevalent and SPB hazard is a relevant concern. To measure willingness to participate in the program, a referendum style question was used in which the offered cost share ranged from 20% to 90%. Results of discrete choice models estimated from survey data indicate that cost sharing has a significant, positive effect on willingness to participate overall, though increasing reimbursement above 60% is unlikely to affect participation. Some landowners are not responsive or are less responsive to cost sharing due to personal and property characteristics. / Master of Science

Environmental quality is a construct that has currency at the interface between science and policy—it is used both to describe current conditions as well as prescribe desired future conditions. However, environmental quality has a multiplicity of definitions, owing to: a) the fact that there are a number of terms (or "sub constructs") taken to be synonymous with environmental quality (i.e. environmental health, sustainability, biodiversity, integrity, and the like), and b) the fact that each of these sub constructs, in turn, have multiple meanings. Many in the field of natural sciences have been working on this problem of ambiguity—attempting to develop precise and powerful definitions. Still others argue that environmental quality is a concept open to societal negotiation (in addition to scientific discovery). In this thesis, I argue that environmental quality can be understood and discussed by examining understandings of Nature and evaluations for Nature that seem to contribute to the ambiguity of meanings and outcomes for environmental quality. To reach these conclusions, I interviewed 24 stakeholders who represented a broad range of concerns about and interests in environmental quality on private forest land in Southwest Virginia. I reviewed nearly 300 pages of interview text, looking for emerging themes and structures from their hour-long (on average) discussions of environmental quality. I found that among these 24 stakeholders, there were indeed, many ways of defining environmental quality (i.e. health, biodiversity, site productivity, et cetera). Additionally, I found that these different definitions for environmental quality seem to correlate with different understandings of Nature (what is Nature like?) and different values for Nature (how should Nature be used?) I conclude by discussing these implications, using examples from forestry outreach and extension. / Master of Science

The survey of medium-to-large forest industry firms across the South found 11,215 landowners enrolled in formal industrial landowner assistance programs in 1989. LAPs appeal to landowners with relatively large holdings who normally have financial returns as a part of their objectives. The forest industry has encouraged this group of owners to participate because of the efficiency in managing large tracts. The average LAP tract size of 428 acres is much larger than the average southern NIPF holding of 47 acres by a factor of ten (Birch et al. 1982). The forest industry enrolled 4,798,274 acres in their LAPs in 1989. Most firms indicated that they planned to increase the size of their LAPs by a total of 1,094,000 acres (23%) over the next five years. The popularity of LAPs in the forest industry appears to be based primarily upon their reliability and cost in comparison to other timber supply strategies (i.e., fee land, leased land, and the open market). Over half (53%) of the firms reported that they had successfully purchased at least 90 percent of the desired timber put up for sale in their LAPs. In case studies of three company programs, a capital budgeting analysis showed that the LAP was the least costly alternative for one firm and that the open market was the least costly timber supply strategy, followed closely by LAPs, for two firms. The LAP was the least costly strategy for Company C primarily because the probability of procuring timber in the LAP (0.95) was much greater than the probability of procurement on the open market (0.30). Since more than half of the surveyed firms were successful in purchasing a substantial part (90%) of the desired timber offered for sale in their LAPs, these results suggest that firms which operate in areas of heavy competition for timber, with correspondingly low probabilities of procurement success on the open market, may find LAPs to be their least expensive timber supply strategy. / Master of Science

Fuelwood is a basic need for rural households in Malawi. However, deforestation has reduced the quantity of forest products such as fuelwood available to households. This has negatively affected rural Malawian quality of life, especially for women who are forced to walk long distances to collect fuelwood, prepare foods with short cooking times, or reduce the number of meals. The Malawi government has encouraged the establishment of household owned woodlots, as a part of reforestation programs, to address the supply side of the forest product scarcity. However, fuelwood supply and use is also a gender-based issue; men plant trees and make decisions over harvesting, while women gather and use fuelwood. Within the household, woodlot products also have multiple and competing uses between men and women. It is critical to examine how gender dynamics affect women's fuelwood procurement and use from the woodlot. This study investigated how gender of the household head and women's access to woodlots affects fuelwood shortage, controlling for number of trees, household size, and use of other fuels. Fifty-one female and sixty-three male-headed households with household owned woodlots were interviewed, using questionnaire and focus group interviews. Results show that one-third of both household types reported experiencing fuelwood shortages in the past year. Logistic regression indicates that gender of household head is an important factor, along with number of trees in the woodlot, in determining fuelwood sufficiency. Female-headed households were less likely to experience fuelwood shortage than male-headed households when the interaction with number of trees was included. Whether a woman in male-headed households must seek permission to harvest fuelwood, number of trees, and cooking with maize stalk were factors that predicted fuelwood shortage. Suggestions for several interventions to address fuelwood supply and access were included. Planting more trees in woodlots and use of fuelwood efficient stoves are two important strategies. It is important to address gender-specific priorities as they relate to woodlot use. This can be done through gender sensitizations that target program planners and male household heads. For successful programs, men and women should participate in both program planning and implementation. / Graduation date: 2003