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Removed from its artistic origins in the French avant-garde during the interwar period, the European based group known as the situationist international is often represented as being solely occupied with politics to the exclusion of all else, particularly art and aesthetics. In what follows I argue that throughout the sixties the anti-aesthetic position was actually the governing model in France obliging the avant-garde to adjust their strategies accordingly. Artists and artists' collectives that placed politics before aesthetics were the norm, enjoying widespread popularity and recognition from both the public and the French State. These overtly partisan groups and individuals sapped art of the power it had enjoyed in the fifties as a venue removed, or at least distanced from, formal politics. In response, the situationists officially rejected the art world, turning to the popular and vernacular culture of the streets in an attempt to get beyond both classical aesthetic principals and the overt propagandistic objectives of groups such as le Salon de la jeunePeinture. Turning to the climactic moment of 1968 I track the ways in which these debates informed the posters and graffiti which marked the unfinished revolution, sorting out the various aesthetic positions and political persuasions that dominated the events. My thesis contends that the situationists were not anti-aesthetic, that they simply advocated a different kind of aesthetics: one that rejected traditional notions of beauty for the more active and open concept of poiesis or poetry. Beyond words on a page, this notion implied art as a way of life, emphasizing production, creation, formation and action and can be traced back to the groups prewar origins in the Dada and surrealist movements. Moreover, this concept of poetry was not adverse to issues of form being highly dependent on the materiality and physicality of the urban centre, specifically the streets. Finally my conclusion expands upon the similarities between this notion of poetry and the 17th century understanding of beauty, the latter concept being associated with a subtle criticality and strategic wit. It was this interpretation of beauty that defined and produced the art of 1968. / Arts, Faculty of / Art History, Visual Art and Theory, Department of / Graduate

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This doctoral dissertation examines the position of the Other with regard to the Ligue des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen (LDH) in France during the interwar period of the twentieth century. A key institution of French political and intellectual life, the Ligue des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen exemplified the confrontation and contradiction between theory, discourse, and reality. The dissertation is divided into two parts: the first part introduces Them, the members of the Ligue; while the second part describes (or identifies) the Other, the colonized migrants, the foreigners, the political and ethnic refugees of the interwar period. This research demonstrates that, although in theory these groups were considered equal in the name of universalism, in practice the discourse of the Ligue discriminated against them. The evidence shows that the members of the Ligue des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen despised all foreigners, and established the level of discrimination according to a hierarchy of contempt.

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This thesis examines the campaign waged against Vichy's National Revolution by Robert Brasillach, Marcel Deat, Jacques Doriot, and Pierre Drieu La Rochelle. It explores the particular issues of contention separating Vichy and the Paris ultras as well as shedding light on the final evolution of a representative segment of the fascist phenomenon in France.

Democracy was no more than a marginal force during the eighteenth century, unanimously denounced as a chimerical form of government unfit for passionate human beings living in commercial societies. Placed in this context this thesis studies the concept of ‘representative democracy' during the French Revolution, particularly under the Directory (1795–1799). At the time the term was an oxymoron. It was a neologism strategically coined by the democrats at a time when ‘representative government' and ‘democracy' were understood to be diametrically opposed to each other. In this thesis the democrats' political thought is simultaneously placed in several contexts. One is the rapidly changing political, economic and international circumstances of the French First Republic at war. Another is the anxiety about democratic decline emanating from the long-established intellectual traditions that regarded the history of Greece and Rome as proof that democracy and popular government inevitably led to anarchy, despotism and military government. Due to this anxiety the ruling republicans' answer during the Directory to the predicament—how to avoid the return of the Terror, win the war, and stabilize the Republic without inviting military government—was crystalized in the notion of ‘representative government', which defined a modern republic based on a firm rejection of ‘democratic' politics. Condorcet is important at this juncture because he directly challenged the given notions of his own period (such as that democracy inevitably fosters military government). Building on this context of debate, the arguments for democracy put forth by Antonelle, Chaussard, Français de Nantes and others are analysed. These democrats devised plans to steer France and Europe to what they regarded as the correct way of genuinely ending the Revolution: the democratic republic. The findings of this thesis elucidate the elements of continuity and those of rupture between the Enlightenment and the French Revolution.

Orientador: Pedro Paulo Abreu Funari / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T02:46:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_GlaydsonJoseda_D.pdf: 1833896 bytes, checksum: 0dc2ffab6a911066f09ab355ccba7cc9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar os usos do mundo antigo, pela História e pela Arqueologia, como forma de estabelecer compreensões do mundo contemporâneo. Propõe uma reflexão acerca do papel do passado nos jogos de estratégia e afirmações identitárias, à medida que percebe os estudos sobre a Antigüidade muito próximos das representações coletivas na contemporaneidade. Parte da premissa de que o saber sobre o passado, sua e escrita e suas leituras, são poderes e geram poderes. Do ponto de vista temático, trata da apropriação do passado gaulês, romano e galo-romano na França durante o Regime de Vichy (1940-1944). Mas trata, também, da inserção do objeto num contexto mais amplo, europeu, na medida em que analisa as instrumentalizações da Antigüidade pelo Nazismo e pelo Fascismo. Aproxima-se do objeto com uma análise das figurações da Gália e dos gauleses na historiografia francesa, principalmente a partir do século XIX. Trata do estatuto dos historiadores ao se relacionarem com os poderes do Estado, especificamente, no caso, de Jérôme Carcopino, notável romanista que foi ministro da educação sob Vichy. Por perceber na sociedade francesa atual uma presença muito marcante da Antigüidade, como forma de legitimação de direitos, advindos da origem, analisa-se, também, as formas de apropriação do mundo antigo pelas extremas direitas, representadas no trabalho pelo Front National e pelo grupo Terre et Peuple / Abstract: The purpose of this research work is to analyze the uses of the ancient world by the fields of History and Archaeology as a way to establish understandings of the present world. As ancient studies are very close to present time collective representations, this study proposes a reflection on the role of past in strategy and identity affirmation games. It has as a premise the notion that knowledge of the past, its writing and its interpretations, are powers and create powers. In terms of subject, this study focuses on the appropriation of the Gaul, Roman and Gaul-Roman past during the Vichy Regime (1940-1944). It also analyzes the subject within a greater European frame, for it focuses on the 'instrumentalizations¿ of Antiquity by the Nazi and Fascist regimes. It analyzes, especially from the 19th century on, the characterizations of Gaul and Gaul people in French historiography. It focuses on historians¿ status while they related to State powers, as in the case of Jérôme Carcopino, remarkable scholar in Roman studies, who was Minister of Education under the Vichy regime. As Antiquity is present everywhere in modern French society, this research work also analyzes the different forms of appropriation of the ancient world by extreme Right parties, represented in the text by the Front National party and the Terre et Peuple grou / Doutorado / Historia Cultural / Doutor em História