This thesis investigates the economic, military, multilateral, African and direct political relationship between France and South Africa between 1945 and 1985. Subjects discussed include co-operation in the colonial era, the relationsrJp at the Ut~, South Africa's African diplomacy, nuclear, military and conventional exchange, Over time, the relationship became increasingly complex as pressure against official contact increased, leading eventually to France applying a limited sanctions regime against Pretoria in 1985. However, even as measures expressing official French condemnation of apartheid were established, an intimate and sensitive sub-official relationship was maintained. South Africa's attempt to secure itself against international challenges was more sophisticated and successful than sometimes suggested. it also witnesses the connivance of French government, which always considered French exporters above all else, with the creation of a relationship impervious to external pressure. However, that France did not do more to develop its interests in South Africa, and, indeed, was forced to give concessions to the international anti-apartheid movement, establishes its vulnerability to the largely African pressure to change its policy. This refutes the view that France was an unrestrained friend to SouLh Africa. It also challenges the widely held perception of French neo-colonial influence in Africa. Rather than an expression of Paris's autonomy, French policy in South Africa was a pragmatic attempt to manage the competing pressures upon it, either to extend or break relations with South Africa. The way that the French state negotiated these competing dema_nds provides a window on the development of wider French African policy, its goals and the influence of actors, both domestic and intemational, upon its creation. France's African policy emerges as hesitant, inconsistent, and bereft of clear PUlpOSe; characteristics reflected in the parochialism of the majorit"j of the French electorate.

Arguing that literary narratives (whether fictional or autobiographical) can provide an important way in which the past is accessed and understood, this thesis uses such narratives to compare and contrast cultural representations of collaboration with the Gaullist political accounts described in Henry Rousso’s Le Syndrome de Vichy. Following the introduction, chapter one examines the perception and characteristics of collaboration, providing a broad analysis of collaboration and collaborators which frames later chapters. There follows a discussion of the generic boundaries between history, autobiography and fiction, showing that novels can contain many of the attributes conventionally ascribed to historical texts, as well as having a freedom of form which allows them to examine and relate subjects not allowed to historical accounts. Next, selected novels (by Marcel Aymé, Jean-Louis Bory, Marie Chaix, Céline, Jean-Louis Curtis, Jean Dutourd, Pascal Jardin, Patrick Modiano, Saint-Loup, and Michel Tournier) are analysed at length to examine how specific forms of collaboration have been understood, and how they subvert Rousso’s schema of repression or marginalisation of the phenomenon. Novels written in the immediate aftermath of the war actually gave a convincing representation of collaboration and the everyday wartime experience, contrasting with the ‘official’ story which sought to forget collaboration. Representations of intellectual and cultural collaboration show that, contrary to de Gaulle’s attempts to portray France as a nation of resisters, high-profile figures from these circles offered a more persuasive alternative to this view. This is also shown to be the case for depictions of military and paramilitary collaboration, which openly describe armed and violent collaboration, challenging and contrasting with the Gaullist representation of mass resistance supported by the civil population. Finally, familial memories are used to revaluate the mode rétro in light of earlier chapters. Although this phenomenon found innovative ways to view the war, it did not represent a wholly new, or more open, account, and was subject to its own repressions and distortions.

This thesis examines the discourse and strategy of two contrasting French anti-racist movements – SOS Racisme, the consensus-seeking centrist movement founded in 1984 and the Mouvement des Indigènes de la République (MIR), the radical anti-colonial movement founded in 2005 – over the years 2005 to 2009, a period which I argue is defined by a conservative and potentially exclusionary conception of national identity on the part of Nicolas Sarkozy and his political allies, as well as by an intense debate on colonial legacies and memory (typified by Sarkozy’s rhetorical attacks on ‘repentance’), a widespread rejection of multiculturalism and communautarisme, and a cross-party consensus on the language of republicanism but not the underlying definition of the concept. I find that the central ideological difference between the two movements can be found in their respective relationships with republicanism. Whereas SOS, in line with the traditions of the French anti-racist movement, bases its ideology on universalist republicanism and sees France’s mainstream political culture as fundamentally supportive of antiracist aims, MIR is highly critical of republicanism, highlighting the way in which ‘universalist’ principles have been used in French history as a justification for colonialism, racism and discrimination. The thesis argues that the positions of the movements on the defining themes of the period identified above have caused them substantial issues in campaigning, with MIR’s questioning of republicanism, emphasis on colonial memory and support for multiculturalism diametrically opposed to the prevailing political climate, and SOS’s favoured republican ideology, thanks to its inherent flexibility, being used by Sarkozy as an implicit means of stigmatising minority populations.

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The banlieues (suburbs) of Paris are key case study for the social and political evolution of post-war France. Drawing on the overarching narrative of the trente glorieuses, existing scholarship has viewed the construction of grands ensembles d’habitation (mass housing estates) as part of a harmonious modernisation project through which France moved away from governing its colonies and towards the governance of everyday life. Yet, this view of banlieue housing as an expression of generic, totalising state power overlooks the conflicts and uncertainties that underpinned the modernisation process. This thesis analyses the construction and governance of two grands ensembles: the 4000 logements in La Courneuve and Les Courtillières in Pantin during the period 1955-1973. By analysing how state actors constructed and debated notions of urban modernity, this thesis will use the grands ensembles to explore France’s post-war modernisation as an uneven, localised and limited process. In discussing the limits to state power in these areas, this thesis develops scholarship on the banlieues and post-war France in three key ways. Firstly, this thesis will interrogate the relationship between the grand ensemble and notions of modernity, and will challenge the notion of mass housing as part of a forward-thinking modernisation process. Close analysis of sociological studies of mass housing and planning discourse will be used to demonstrate that the key objective was not to modernise, but to create a benign governable space that glossed over the more complex reality. By looking at localised discourses of municipal council and housing associations, this thesis will also question the harmonious nature of modernisation in discussing the ongoing debates between different state actors regarding the role of mass housing and of the banlieues more generally. Secondly, this thesis will develop academic understandings of the relationship between the citizen and the state. While the banlieues have been situated within the orbit of a totalising, technocratic Gaullist national state and the local communist-governed municipality, this thesis will question whether the state ‘existed’ in the banlieues. Records of municipal campaigning and existing resident testimonies will be used to challenge the historical narrative of the ceinture rouge by demonstrating that at a local level, the state maintained only loose control in the governance of everyday life and focused on a narrow range of issues. Developing this notion of a flexible, arterial state, this thesis will also analyse estate plans closely in order to highlight that interior space rather than enacting new forms of social conditioning was uneven in nature and made considerable concessions to existing modes of living. Thirdly, this thesis will develop existing notions of power and authority by arguing that while French post-war modernisation has generally been viewed as a technocratic process, it relied on direct coercion to compensate for its inherent limitations. While scholars have viewed the grands ensembles as a short-lived triumph of ‘the liberal art of government’, this thesis will argue that technocratic governance of the banlieues was ‘propped up’ by a dramatic expansion of policing and surveillance of these areas. This thesis will analyse police records of racial and geographical profiling and the suppression of protest in order to argue that policing produced a more systematic form of banlieue governance compared to uneven, limited technocratic power. Overall this thesis will use the grand ensemble to present an alternative view of the trente glorieuses in which the French state projecting authority into areas where the state lacked knowledge or influence, and sought to protect itself from modernity rather than to enact it.

Cette thèse de doctorat étudie les courants politiques de la Nouvelle Gauche dans la période 1958 jusqu’à 1968, qui se sont développés en France à la fin des années 1950, au-delà des structures des partis déjà établis et de la pensée traditionnelle socialiste. Selon le concept développé par Pierre Bourdieu du « champ social », l’analyse met en avant – dans l’optique de développement des concepts alternatifs de la société – des interactions entre les structures du nouveau Parti Socialiste Unifié (PSU), des intellectuels, des clubs politiques, des magazines (classique Nouvelle Gauche), ainsi que des mouvements culturels (tels que les situationnistes). Le point commun de ces différents acteurs est qu'ils ont développé, et ce avant les émeutes de 1968, des nouvelles approches théoriques de l'objet de travail, d’un «socialisme démocratique», de la démocratie directe, du colonialisme, l'auto-gouvernement, le public, et la relation entre l’art et la politique. Les mouvements intellectuels, artistiques et politiques de la « Nouvelle Gauche » se sont positionnés contre la logique de la «mentalité de camp» de la guerre froide et ont développé leurs propres programmes politiques d'une « troisième voie » au-delà du dogmatisme marxiste et de la démocratie socialiste réformiste «discrédité» dans les pays occidentaux industrialisés. La recherche est guidée par la question des discours et des débats sur une «troisième voie» ou un «socialisme démocratique» qui ont eu lieu à l’époque – par contraste au modèle soviétique et des concepts démocratiques et socialistes établi en Ouest. La question qui se pose est la suivante : pour quelle raison les intellectuels, artistes et politiciens ont renoncé à faire partie du discours dogmatique du PCF ou celle-ci du SFIO qui a fait partie de gouvernement et rejoint des nouvelles pensées et non-dogmatiques et pourquoi et comment ils sont commencé à développer des concepts d`une « troisième voie » entre les fronts existants de la guerre froide ? Dans ce contexte, il est également probable d’avoir des nouvelles réponses sur la question évoquées comment la gauche «non-dogmatique» ou «Nouvelle Gauche» était l’impulsion et «incubateur théorique» pour les troubles en mai 1968. / This work examines the political tendencies of the "Nouvelle Gauche" in France in the period 1960-1968, which have developed (or : constituted themselves) beyond the established party structures and conventional (or better: traditional?) socialist paradigms since the end of the 1950s. Based on the concept of the "Social Field" developed by Pierre Bourdieu, the interactions between the new party structures (Parti Socialiste Unifié), intellectuals clubs, magazines (classic Nouvelle Gauche) as well as cultural movements shall be studied from the viewpoint of developing alternative approaches for the society. These different actors have in common that they developed before the riots of 1968 new theoretical approaches to the subject of work, "democratic socialism", direct democracy, colonial policy, self-government (or better: self-administration?), the public and the relationship between art and politics. The intellectual, artistic and political movements of the "new left" opposed the logic of "camps mentality” of the Cold War and developed their own political programs of a "Third Way" beyond the Marxist dogmatism and the "discredited" reformist social democracy in the Western industrialized countries.This work combines policy- and cultural-historical problems, which are handled by methods of the critique of ideology as well as discourse analysis, and starts with the foundation of the Parti Socialiste unifié (PSU) in 1960, that acted as "the amalgam of the discarded" and as "new left". 18 months before, the party Socialiste Autonome (PSA) was founded, whose followers had broken away from the socialist SFIO and are placed now in the political landscape of France between SFIO and PCF.Usually, the focus of previous studies has been and is still the history of parties in the context of international and domestic political events (war in Algeria, appeasement in the era of Khrushchev, transition from the Fourth to the Fifth Republic, rebellions in Eastern Europe against the Soviet domination). In contrast, this work shall on the one hand deal with the political, extra-parliamentary, intellectual and artistic field of the "Nouvelle Gauche" under programmatic and intellectual historical point of view, and on the other hand work out biographical and social interdependencies. The question which discourses and debates about a "Third Way" or a "democratic socialism" were held – in contrast to the Soviet model and Western social democratic or socialist concepts – is prepended this investigation. The question is risen for which reasons intellectuals, artists as well as politicians seceded from the dogmatic course of the KPF, joined undogmatic, new ways of thinking and started to develop "Third Ways" between the existing fronts of the Cold War. With respect to this background, new answers are expected to the problem how the outlined "Undogmatic" or "New Left" has been impulse and "theoretical incubator" (bin mir nicht sicher, ob das im englischen geht) for the rebellions in May 1968.

Ce travail sur la coopération culturelle franco-algérienne concerne le développement des relations franco-algériennes après la guerre d'indépendance, de l'ancienne colonie française, de l'Algérie (1954-1962). Dans ce contexte, dans la première partie, les relations politiques et diplomatiques entre les gouvernements des deux pays, la coopération dans l'éducation, les relations culturelles franco-algériennes, aussi bien que les développements politiques et les décisions politiques cruciales qui ont affecté la relation entre les deux pays, sont examinées. Examiner les aspects divers de la coopération avec le nouvel Etat indépendant au niveau gouvernemental et, parallèlement, essayer d'interpréter les relations entre les peuples en tant qu' acteurs de la coopération, dans la deuxième partie du travail. Donc, les relations entre les deux peuples dans le domaine d'enseignement (éducation) sont examinées dans une certaine mesure, aussi bien que si et comment, matériellement et pratiquement, des professeurs, des syndicalistes, les membres d'organisations politiques et des syndicats, d'idéologie anti-impérialiste et révolutionnaire ou les non-révolutionnaires et humanistes, ont contribué à la réconciliation et "la guérison des cicatrices" engendrées par la guerre de 8 ans. De plus, dans la troisième partie de notre travail, les protagonistes de l'ère post-coloniale prennent la parole, pour éclairer leurs expériences de l'Algérie, sous un prisme subjectif et rétrospectif, qui nous permet de tirer des conclusions concrètes et essaye d'interpréter leurs activités et leurs expériences en posant des questions de recherche et choisissant des critères spécifiques. En conclusion, le travail essaye d'alimenter la recherche et le débat, s'étendre dans les sciences sociales, se pencher sur la coopération politique et culturelle des anciennes métropoles (pays coloniaux) avec leurs colonies et la contribution positive que les protagonistes d'histoire peuvent avoir, même dans un cadre micro-historique, en contradiction aux résonances négatives significatives causées par des conflits politiques et des crises. / This work on the Franco-Algerian cultural cooperation concerns the development of the franco-algerian relations after the war of independence, of the former french colony of Algeria (1954-1962). In this context, in the first part, the political and diplomatic relations between the governments of the two countries, the cooperation in the education, the franco-algerian cultural relations, as well as the political developments and crucial political decisions who affected the relationship between the two countries, are examined. Examining the various aspects of the cooperation with the new independent state at governmental level, in the mean time, the same is attempted to be done with the relations of peoples as actors of the cooperation, in the second part of the work. Therefore, the relations between the two peoples in the domain of education are examined in a very large extent, as well as whether and how, materially and practically, teachers, trade-unionists, members of political organizations and trade unions, of anti-imperialist and revolutionary ideology or non-revolutionary and humanitarian one, worked towards the reconciliation and the “healing of the wounds” opened by the 8-year war. In addition, in the third part of our work, the protagonists of the postcolonial era take the floor, in order to enlighten their experiences from Algeria, under a subjective and retrospective prism, which allows to draw conclusions and attempt to interpret their very activity with specific research questions and criteria. Concluding, the work tries to nurture the research and the debate, spread in social sciences, on the political and cultural cooperation of the former countries-Metropolis (colonial countries) with the countries-colonies and the positive contribution that the protagonists of history can have, even in a micro-historic framework, in contrast with the significant negative resonances caused by political conflicts and crises.

Michel Rocard (1930-2016) apparaît comme un des premiers à s'être saisi des moyens de communication « modernes », dès la fin des années 1960, puis de manière plus systématique à partir de 1974 autour de groupes dédiés à son image (Groupe « image » et groupe Prospol). Il fait un large usage des techniques de marketing politique s'appuyant notamment sur des conseillers spécialistes du domaine, l'utilisation des sondages et du videotraining. Cela lui permet de se bâtir une légitimité médiatico-sondagière alors qu'il se trouve en marge du jeu politique. Toutefois, il ne parvient pas par ce biais à fragiliser le pouvoir de François Mitterrand sur le Parti. Il doit ainsi renoncer en faveur du Premier secrétaire à être candidat pour l'élection présidentielle de 1981. Déçu par les limites de cette ressource médiatico-sondagière il en devient l'un des principaux critiques et se forge un « complexe » à son égard. Il accuse les médias de simplifier à outrance et de rendre impossible l'exercice du pouvoir. Cela l'amène à délaisser la communication audiovisuelle, et à devenir de plus hostile aux journalistes, au point d'apparaître comme l'un des Premiers ministres (1988-1991) les moins communicants. L'absence de pédagogie autour de ses actions laissera toute la place aux critiques. Ainsi, après avoir quitté Matignon, il ne pourra pas s'appuyer sur un bilan ayant marqué les esprits et sera rapidement rattrapé par l'impopularité du PS d'alors. Dès lors, il ne parviendra pas à inverser la tendance et à conserver ses chances pour la présidentielle de 1995. / Michel Rocard (1930-2016) appears as one of the pioneers in french political communication. From the 1960's he adopted the new techniques of political marketing. In 1974, this preparation of his communication becomes organized systematically. Two main groups were created around political scientists, pollsters and journalists in order to shape his image, using opinion polls, video training and marketing methods. He used opinion polls and good media coverage in order to make up his marginality inside the French Socialist Party (directed by François Mitterrand). However, he failed to threaten the power of François Mitterrand on the Socialist Party. For the first time he had to renounce in favor of the Prime Secretary of the party. After this defeat he became progressively one of the main critics of the political communication. He accused the media for threatening the exercise of power. More and more he renounced Tv shows and became aggressive with journalists. Prime minister between 1988 and 1991 he avoided media coverage. Forced to resign in 1991 his appraisal was largely unknown. Even if he tried to reinforce his position becoming the leader of the French socialist Party in 1993, Michel Rocard was rapidly reached by the unpopularity affecting the Socialist Party.After a severe defeat during the European elections in 1994 he renounced to become the candidate for the presidential election in 1995.

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