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On the political economy of "free trade" in the AmericasBoorne, Scott. January 2006 (has links)
The coming into force of "free trade agreements" across the Western Hemisphere since the late 1980s has been a historic change that is still in the process of development. This essay seeks to explain this development. To do so, it investigates examples of the historical development of social relations in the hemisphere. The political will to carry out such a plan can be found in each country in the social base that sees benefit in the course. While this political will exists, everywhere the process has been a contested one, both domestically and internationally. This policy will continue to find support especially from large capital interests and their representatives who will continue to find their opposition in a wide variety of labour and social movements and socialist tendencies. The balance determines the type of contract struck.
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On the political economy of "free trade" in the AmericasBoorne, Scott. January 2006 (has links)
No description available.
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Hegemony, 'common sense' and compromise : a neo-gramscian analysis of multilateralism in South Africa's post-apartheid foreign policyTaylor, Ian 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT:
This study attempts to overcome past failings in the analysis of post-apartheid
South Africa's foreign policy. In contrast to "explanations" offered by most
previous analyses, this work demonstrates that the behaviour exhibited by
Pretoria is not immutable or simply subject to the global "realities", but is
derivative of the specific historic conjuncture of forces that joined together
during the transition from apartheid, and which remain open-ended. The
changes in the African National Congress' economic and political policies during
the transition period are seen as the key to any attempt to understand Pretoria's
post-1994 foreign policy behaviour. This is intimately connected to the
structural changes in the international political economy and the change in the
balance of international class forces brought about by the neo-liberal counter
revolution.
Deploying a theoretical framework derivative of the work of the Italian
Marxist, Antonio Gramsci, this study situates South Africa's foreign policy in a
world where the ideology of neo-liberalism has achieved hegemonic status
amongst the transnational elite class - fractions of national elites, representing
and reflecting the interests of money capital. Such a hegemonic project informs
the beliefs of the Government of National Unity and the subsequent foreign
policy activities postured by Pretoria. This study attempts to understand how
and why the ANCacceded to the dominant discourse of neo-liberalism and why
this must be contextualised within the structural constraints brought to bear
upon the GNUin an increasingly globalised world.
This accession to neo-liberal beliefs has gIVen nse to contradictions
within the domestic polity between contending class fractions and within the
ANC'sown ranks. This has provoked a fundamental tension in Pretoria's overall
foreign policy, where on the one hand South Africa accepts the fundamental
normative world order, whilst on the other pushes various reformist initiatives
which seek to re-negotiate Pretoria's standing within this framework.
Specifically, South Africa's behaviour in multilateral organisations has been
marked by a tactical middlepowermanship role, essentially problem-solving, which seeks to smooth out the international system so that the ongoing world
order may function as "efficiently" as possible. Such behaviour has been
qualitatively different from the activist role that was expected from an ANC-led
administration.
Indeed, the activism exhibited by South Africa has been largely centred
around the promotion of the liberalisation of markets and free trade, albeit
tempered by an awareness of the need to reconcile its acceptance of the
hegemonic order, with that of the appeals of a historically important fraction of
its support constituency: the Left and labour. Attempts to reconcile these two
positions, of promoting "free" trade whilst at the same time demanding "fair"
trade for example, mirror the broader contradictions that have been evident in
South African foreign policy. They reflect the historic compromise that saw the
ANCcome to administrative power, and also the desire by the government to
balance its neo-liberal credentials with certain reformist convictions. This has
been most evident in Pretoria's behaviour in multilateral organisations.
SLXmultilateral initiatives, and Pretoria's role within each, are examined:
the World Trade Organisation, the Cairns Group, the United Nations Conference
on Trade and Development, the Non-Aligned Movement, the Commonwealth,
and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Implications for future South African
foreign policy are drawn out, and a critical eye cast on whether such roles
played out by Pretoria are immutable, or subject to change. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING:
Hierdie studie poog om vorige tekortkominge in die analise van post-apartheid
Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid te oorkom. In teenstelling met die
"verduidelikings" wat deur meeste vorige analises gebied word, illustreer die
werk dat Pretoria se buitelandse gedragspatroon nie onveranderlik is en bloot
onderhewig is aan die globale "realiteite" nie, maar voortvloei uit die besondere
historiese tydsgewrig van magte wat saamgevoeg is gedurende die oorgang van
apartheid na 'n onvoorspelbare era. Die veranderinge binne die African National
Congress se ekonomiese en politieke beleid gedurende die oorgang periode word
voorgehou as die sleutel tot enige poging om Pretoria se post-1994 buitelandse
gedrag te verklaar. Strukturele veranderinge in die internasionale politieke
ekonomie en die veranderinge in die magsbalans tussen internasionale klasse
as gevolg van neo-liberalisme, het 'n fundamentele impak op die aard van
hierdie buitelandse gedrag.
Met behulp van 'n teoretiese raamwerk gedistilleer uit die werk van die
Italiaanse Marxis, Antonio Gramsci plaas die studie Suid-Afrika se buitelandse
beleid in 'n wêreld waarin die neo-liberale ideologie hoogty vier veral onder die
transnasionale elite klas - fraksies van nasionale elites verteenwoordigend van
die belange van finansiële kapitaal. Sodanige hegemoniese projek onderlê die
oortuiging van die Regering van Nasionale Eenheid (RNE) en voortvloeiende
buitelandse beleidsaksies. Die studie probeer vasstel hoe en waarom die ANC
toenemend gehoor gegee het aan die oorheersende neo-liberale diskoers en
waarom hierdie toetreding gekontekstualiseer moet word in terme van die
strukturele beperkinge waaronder die RNE onderhewig is in 'n immerglobaliserende
wêreld.
Hierdie toetrede tot neo-liberale oortuiginge het aanleiding gegee tot
teenstrydighede intern, tussen strydende klasfraksies asook binne die ANC se
eie geledere. Hierdie teenstrydighede word ook weerspieël in Pretoria se
buitelandsebeleids aksies in die algemeen. Aan die een kant aanvaar Suid-
Afrika fundamenteel die normatiewe basis van wêreldorde, terwyl daar ook aan
die ander kant gepoog word om Pretoria se posisie binne hierdie wêreldorde te
bowe te kom.
Suid-Afrika se gedrag in multilaterale organisasies in die besonder word
gekenmerk deur 'n taktiese intermediêre rol ("middlepower role") hoofsaaklik
van 'n probleem-oplossende aard, wat daarop gemik is om die internasionale sisteem so glad moontlik te funksioneer en teenstrydighede binne die
wêreldorde te oorkom. Hierdie rol konstitueer 'n fundamentele wysiging van die
aktivistiese rol wat van 'n ANC-regeerde Suid-Afrika verwag is.
Die aktiwiteite wat wel deur Suid-Afrika geopenbaar is, sentreer
hoofsaaklik om die bevordering van vrye en regverdige handel, alhoewel
gerigsnoer deur 'n bewustheid van die behoefte om sodanige posisie te versoen
met die aanvaarding van die bestaande hegemoniese orde aan die een kant en
die eise van arbeid en politieke steun aan die Linkerkant van die politieke
spektrum. Pogings om hierdie twee posisies te versoen - om "vrye" sowel as
"regverdige" handel te versoen byvoorbeeld, weerkaats die algemene
teenstrydighede waardeur Suid-Afrikaanse buitelandse beleid gekenmerk word.
Die paradokse is tekenend van die historiese kompromie wat tot die ANC se
bewindsoorname aanleiding gegee het asook die regering se behoefte om sy neoliberale
orientasie te balanseer met bepaalde hevormingsoortuiginge. Hierdie
patroon is besonder merkbaar in die geval van multilaterale organisasies.
Ses multilaterale inisiatiewe en Pretoria se verhoudinge met elk van die
volgende internasionale organisasies word van naderby bekyk, veral ten opsigte
van die Wêreldhandelsorganisasie, die Cairns Groep, die Verenigde Nasies
Konferensie oor Handel en Ontwikkeling, die Onverbonde Beweging, die
Statebond en die Kernspêrverdrag. Daar word gewys op die implikasies vir Suid-
Afrika se buitelandse beleid, terwyl daar krities gevra word of sodanige rolle wat
deur Pretoria gespeel word, 'n bepaalde onveranderlikheid geniet of ook
onderhewig is aan veranderinge.
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