No description available.

The aim of this study is to research freedom of expression and its content and value. The focus has been to find answers to where freedom of expression has its limits, if it has any. This study has three aims: to research what freedom of expression means; to research the arguments for it; and to research if there are any limits to freedom of expression. Due to the aim of understanding the limits for freedom of expression, two questions regarding whether freedom of expression shall be restricted by prohibiting racist organisations and hate speech are being answered. Political philosophers Ronald Dworkin, Elena Namli, Thomas Scanlon, and Jeremy Waldron’s theories on the limits of freedom of expression are analyzed through the eyes of the theorists John Stuart Mill and Isaiah Berlin. My conclusion from the research is that freedom of expression should not be limited by forbidding racist organisations, but instead that it shall be limited by prohibiting hate speech.

This thesis focuses primarily on the question ”why is freedom of speech valuable in a democratic context?” I argue that it is problematic that free-dom of speech takes for granted and that the main question therefore is absent in current political science research, in legal texts, and in public discourse. I also argue that in democratic states the focus, regarding freedom of speech, is often on its boundaries and limits rather than on its justification. But it is highly problematic to find and establish its limits without dis-cussion why freedom of speech is desirable in the first place. The thesis poses two questions. The first concerns how freedom of speech is justified by the five strongest available arguments. I analyze the arguments and conclude that they justify freedom of speech differently but that they are similar in one aspect. Freedom of speech is not primarily justified as an individual right. It is rather justified in terms of the public good. The second question asks if we can reach a better understanding of the central arguments. I argue that the arguments have something in common; all of them justify freedom of speech with reference to a common value. I argue that this common value is what I call, a “reliable communication process”. All five arguments claim that freedom of speech is valuable because it promotes a reliable communication process. This process is reliable in terms of its capacity to create a pluralistic public discourse that exposes citizens to ideas and perspectives that they would not have chosen in advance. This study results in the following findings. First, that freedom of speech is valuable in a democratic context because the reliable communication process supports the central democratic value of the enlightened understanding of the democratic citizen. Secondly, that I can give a principled reason for the boundaries of freedom of speech. This means that, according to the arguments, there are reasons to abolish or limit freedom of speech if the reliable communication process is damaged or absent, for example in case of war, anarchy, or violent circumstances. Third, that there are strong reasons in support of a public service media, and greater state intervention in media politics. One strong reason for that conclusion is that a public service media can ensure a pluralistic communication in society and counteract information conformity and intolerance among the members of society.

Of the questions concerning the many great minds of the European Enlightenment, the question of what constitutes right and proper government perhaps had the most enduring influence on the world stage. Both Thomas Jefferson and Immanuel Kant attempted to answer the question of what constitutes right government, in particular by basing the system upon the idea of human freedom as an inalienable right. This project is an attempt to compare the systems proposed by these two authors, as well as to critique each on its ability to protect and foster individual freedom. It is my opinion that neither manages to do what it is constructed to do, as each fails to fully protect individual freedom, and each has as part of it a component which conflicts with individual freedom.

Viena svarbiausių žmogaus teisių ir demokratinės visuomenės atributų, įtvirtinančių ideologinį, kultūrinį, politinį pliuralizmą, yra minties, tikėjimo ir žodžio laisvė. Šios laisvės deklaruojamos įvairių valstybių konstitucijose, tarptautiniuose teisės dokumentuose. Žodžio laisvė, vykstant taikiems debatams padeda nustatyti tiesą. Minties ir saviraiškos laisvė skatina visuomenės narius atskleisti savo sugebėjimus ir realizuoti save ne tik politinėje arenoje, bet ir meno, kultūros srityse. Tikėjimo laisvė vysto atvirą, tolerantišką, pilietinę visuomenę, skatina sugyventi skirtingas kultūras, gina įvairiausių etninių bei religinių mažumų teises. Minties, tikėjimo ir žodžio laisvę galima suprasti dvejopai – kaip subjektyvią teisę turėti savo įsitikinimus bei laisvai juos reikšti. Tačiau šios laisvės nėra absoliučios – jos ribojamos reikalavimais, būtinais demokratinėje visuomenėje konstitucinei santvarkai bei kitoms žmogaus teisėms bei laisvėms apsaugoti. Išnagrinėjus mokslininkų doktriną, Lietuvos Respublikos Konstitucijos nuostatas, įtvirtinančias minties, tikėjimo ir žodžio laisves, Lietuvos Respublikos įstatymus, susijusius su nagrinėjama laisve, Lietuvos Respublikos teismų ir Europos Žmogaus teisių teismo jurisprudenciją bylose, susijusiose su minties, tikėjimo ir žodžio laisve, darytina išvada, kad Lietuvos teisei ypač svarbi Europos žmogaus teisių ir pagrindinių laisvių apsaugos konvencija, reglamentuojanti minties, tikėjimo ir žodžio laisvės turinį ir jos įgyvendinimo... [to full text] / One of the most important human rights and attributes of open democratic society, which establishes ideological, cultural and political pluralism, is the freedom of thought, religion and word. The freedom of word helps to find out the truth during the peaceful debates. The freedom of though and expression encourages members of society to reveal their individuality and realize themselves not only in the poltical arena, but also in the area of art and culture. The freedom of religion develops open, tolerant, civil society, prompts different cultures to get along, defends the rights of various etnic and confession minorities. The right to the freedom of thought, religion and expression can be understood in two ways – as the subjective right to have convictions and the right to freely express them. However these freedoms are not absolute and unconditional – they are restricted by the requirements necessary to protect the constitutional political system of democratic society and other human rights and freedoms. Having analysed the doctrine of scientists, norms of Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania instituting the freedom of thought, religion and expression, the national laws of Lithuania, jurisprudence of Lithuanian courts and European Court of Human Rights in cases connected with the said freedom, a conlusion may be drawn that the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms regulating content of freedom of thought, religion and expression and... [to full text]

This research study investigated the conceptions of press freedom from the Islamic perspective. It examined how certain segments of Malaysian society, including government officers, religious leaders, members of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and members of political parties, perceive press freedom in their country. Compared to previous studies on media freedom or press freedom in Malaysia, this study offered a comprehensive analysis of variables significantly related to the conceptualisation and practice of press freedom, which include economic development, information and communication technologies (ICTs) and globalisation. One significant difference between this study and previous studies was the specific examination of Islamic conceptions of press freedom, which represents a major contribution to existing knowledge. As Malaysia is a complex multi-racial and multi-religious nation, factors such as national ideologies and cultural values were addressed when examining conceptions of press freedom. Due to the focus of the study, two types of framework were utilised: an Islamic theoretical framework and media theories developed by Western scholars. Methodologically, this study employed an ethnographic approach for analysing Islamic conceptualisations of press freedom. A combination of three qualitative research techniques - in-depth face-to-face interviews, examination of archival documents, and personal observations - was utilised to investigate the issues identified in relation to perceptions of press freedom in Malaysia. In-depth face-to-face interviews involved the participation of staff and members from ten organisations and individuals who were not affiliated with these organisations. The organisations involved in this study were: Ministry of Internal Security Malaysia (MOIS); Institute of Islamic Understanding Malaysia (IKIM); Islamic Da’wah Foundation Malaysia (YADIM); Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia (ABIM); Pertubuhan Jamaah Islah Malaysia (JIM); Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ); Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM); Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS), People’s Justice Party (PKR); and Puteri UMNO. The archival documents analysed in this study were gathered from these ten organisations. However, due to certain organisational policies and security concerns, personal observations were only conducted at eight organisations, IKIM, YADIM, ABIM, JIM, CIJ, SUARAM, PAS and PKR. The data were analysed using thematic analysis. The results of the data analysis were triangulated to ascertain the extent to which the information obtained was consistent or inconsistent across sources. The findings of the study showed that there were diverse views among respondents on what constitutes an Islamic press freedom in a multi-racial and multi-religious Malaysia. Due to the different levels of Islamic understanding and divergent interpretations of Islam among Muslims, especially among members of political parties, this study also found that the Islamic theory of press freedom is a highly contested concept. More often than not, the respondents of these organisations claimed that Islamic conceptualisations of press freedom should be based on their personal versions of Islam.

This research study investigated the conceptions of press freedom from the Islamic perspective. It examined how certain segments of Malaysian society, including government officers, religious leaders, members of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and members of political parties, perceive press freedom in their country. Compared to previous studies on media freedom or press freedom in Malaysia, this study offered a comprehensive analysis of variables significantly related to the conceptualisation and practice of press freedom, which include economic development, information and communication technologies (ICTs) and globalisation. One significant difference between this study and previous studies was the specific examination of Islamic conceptions of press freedom, which represents a major contribution to existing knowledge. As Malaysia is a complex multi-racial and multi-religious nation, factors such as national ideologies and cultural values were addressed when examining conceptions of press freedom. Due to the focus of the study, two types of framework were utilised: an Islamic theoretical framework and media theories developed by Western scholars. Methodologically, this study employed an ethnographic approach for analysing Islamic conceptualisations of press freedom. A combination of three qualitative research techniques - in-depth face-to-face interviews, examination of archival documents, and personal observations - was utilised to investigate the issues identified in relation to perceptions of press freedom in Malaysia. In-depth face-to-face interviews involved the participation of staff and members from ten organisations and individuals who were not affiliated with these organisations. The organisations involved in this study were: Ministry of Internal Security Malaysia (MOIS); Institute of Islamic Understanding Malaysia (IKIM); Islamic Da’wah Foundation Malaysia (YADIM); Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia (ABIM); Pertubuhan Jamaah Islah Malaysia (JIM); Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ); Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM); Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS), People’s Justice Party (PKR); and Puteri UMNO. The archival documents analysed in this study were gathered from these ten organisations. However, due to certain organisational policies and security concerns, personal observations were only conducted at eight organisations, IKIM, YADIM, ABIM, JIM, CIJ, SUARAM, PAS and PKR. The data were analysed using thematic analysis. The results of the data analysis were triangulated to ascertain the extent to which the information obtained was consistent or inconsistent across sources. The findings of the study showed that there were diverse views among respondents on what constitutes an Islamic press freedom in a multi-racial and multi-religious Malaysia. Due to the different levels of Islamic understanding and divergent interpretations of Islam among Muslims, especially among members of political parties, this study also found that the Islamic theory of press freedom is a highly contested concept. More often than not, the respondents of these organisations claimed that Islamic conceptualisations of press freedom should be based on their personal versions of Islam.

This research study investigated the conceptions of press freedom from the Islamic perspective. It examined how certain segments of Malaysian society, including government officers, religious leaders, members of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and members of political parties, perceive press freedom in their country. Compared to previous studies on media freedom or press freedom in Malaysia, this study offered a comprehensive analysis of variables significantly related to the conceptualisation and practice of press freedom, which include economic development, information and communication technologies (ICTs) and globalisation. One significant difference between this study and previous studies was the specific examination of Islamic conceptions of press freedom, which represents a major contribution to existing knowledge. As Malaysia is a complex multi-racial and multi-religious nation, factors such as national ideologies and cultural values were addressed when examining conceptions of press freedom. Due to the focus of the study, two types of framework were utilised: an Islamic theoretical framework and media theories developed by Western scholars. Methodologically, this study employed an ethnographic approach for analysing Islamic conceptualisations of press freedom. A combination of three qualitative research techniques - in-depth face-to-face interviews, examination of archival documents, and personal observations - was utilised to investigate the issues identified in relation to perceptions of press freedom in Malaysia. In-depth face-to-face interviews involved the participation of staff and members from ten organisations and individuals who were not affiliated with these organisations. The organisations involved in this study were: Ministry of Internal Security Malaysia (MOIS); Institute of Islamic Understanding Malaysia (IKIM); Islamic Da’wah Foundation Malaysia (YADIM); Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia (ABIM); Pertubuhan Jamaah Islah Malaysia (JIM); Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ); Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM); Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS), People’s Justice Party (PKR); and Puteri UMNO. The archival documents analysed in this study were gathered from these ten organisations. However, due to certain organisational policies and security concerns, personal observations were only conducted at eight organisations, IKIM, YADIM, ABIM, JIM, CIJ, SUARAM, PAS and PKR. The data were analysed using thematic analysis. The results of the data analysis were triangulated to ascertain the extent to which the information obtained was consistent or inconsistent across sources. The findings of the study showed that there were diverse views among respondents on what constitutes an Islamic press freedom in a multi-racial and multi-religious Malaysia. Due to the different levels of Islamic understanding and divergent interpretations of Islam among Muslims, especially among members of political parties, this study also found that the Islamic theory of press freedom is a highly contested concept. More often than not, the respondents of these organisations claimed that Islamic conceptualisations of press freedom should be based on their personal versions of Islam.

This research study investigated the conceptions of press freedom from the Islamic perspective. It examined how certain segments of Malaysian society, including government officers, religious leaders, members of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and members of political parties, perceive press freedom in their country. Compared to previous studies on media freedom or press freedom in Malaysia, this study offered a comprehensive analysis of variables significantly related to the conceptualisation and practice of press freedom, which include economic development, information and communication technologies (ICTs) and globalisation. One significant difference between this study and previous studies was the specific examination of Islamic conceptions of press freedom, which represents a major contribution to existing knowledge. As Malaysia is a complex multi-racial and multi-religious nation, factors such as national ideologies and cultural values were addressed when examining conceptions of press freedom. Due to the focus of the study, two types of framework were utilised: an Islamic theoretical framework and media theories developed by Western scholars. Methodologically, this study employed an ethnographic approach for analysing Islamic conceptualisations of press freedom. A combination of three qualitative research techniques - in-depth face-to-face interviews, examination of archival documents, and personal observations - was utilised to investigate the issues identified in relation to perceptions of press freedom in Malaysia. In-depth face-to-face interviews involved the participation of staff and members from ten organisations and individuals who were not affiliated with these organisations. The organisations involved in this study were: Ministry of Internal Security Malaysia (MOIS); Institute of Islamic Understanding Malaysia (IKIM); Islamic Da’wah Foundation Malaysia (YADIM); Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia (ABIM); Pertubuhan Jamaah Islah Malaysia (JIM); Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ); Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM); Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS), People’s Justice Party (PKR); and Puteri UMNO. The archival documents analysed in this study were gathered from these ten organisations. However, due to certain organisational policies and security concerns, personal observations were only conducted at eight organisations, IKIM, YADIM, ABIM, JIM, CIJ, SUARAM, PAS and PKR. The data were analysed using thematic analysis. The results of the data analysis were triangulated to ascertain the extent to which the information obtained was consistent or inconsistent across sources. The findings of the study showed that there were diverse views among respondents on what constitutes an Islamic press freedom in a multi-racial and multi-religious Malaysia. Due to the different levels of Islamic understanding and divergent interpretations of Islam among Muslims, especially among members of political parties, this study also found that the Islamic theory of press freedom is a highly contested concept. More often than not, the respondents of these organisations claimed that Islamic conceptualisations of press freedom should be based on their personal versions of Islam.

This research study investigated the conceptions of press freedom from the Islamic perspective. It examined how certain segments of Malaysian society, including government officers, religious leaders, members of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and members of political parties, perceive press freedom in their country. Compared to previous studies on media freedom or press freedom in Malaysia, this study offered a comprehensive analysis of variables significantly related to the conceptualisation and practice of press freedom, which include economic development, information and communication technologies (ICTs) and globalisation. One significant difference between this study and previous studies was the specific examination of Islamic conceptions of press freedom, which represents a major contribution to existing knowledge. As Malaysia is a complex multi-racial and multi-religious nation, factors such as national ideologies and cultural values were addressed when examining conceptions of press freedom. Due to the focus of the study, two types of framework were utilised: an Islamic theoretical framework and media theories developed by Western scholars. Methodologically, this study employed an ethnographic approach for analysing Islamic conceptualisations of press freedom. A combination of three qualitative research techniques - in-depth face-to-face interviews, examination of archival documents, and personal observations - was utilised to investigate the issues identified in relation to perceptions of press freedom in Malaysia. In-depth face-to-face interviews involved the participation of staff and members from ten organisations and individuals who were not affiliated with these organisations. The organisations involved in this study were: Ministry of Internal Security Malaysia (MOIS); Institute of Islamic Understanding Malaysia (IKIM); Islamic Da’wah Foundation Malaysia (YADIM); Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia (ABIM); Pertubuhan Jamaah Islah Malaysia (JIM); Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ); Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM); Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS), People’s Justice Party (PKR); and Puteri UMNO. The archival documents analysed in this study were gathered from these ten organisations. However, due to certain organisational policies and security concerns, personal observations were only conducted at eight organisations, IKIM, YADIM, ABIM, JIM, CIJ, SUARAM, PAS and PKR. The data were analysed using thematic analysis. The results of the data analysis were triangulated to ascertain the extent to which the information obtained was consistent or inconsistent across sources. The findings of the study showed that there were diverse views among respondents on what constitutes an Islamic press freedom in a multi-racial and multi-religious Malaysia. Due to the different levels of Islamic understanding and divergent interpretations of Islam among Muslims, especially among members of political parties, this study also found that the Islamic theory of press freedom is a highly contested concept. More often than not, the respondents of these organisations claimed that Islamic conceptualisations of press freedom should be based on their personal versions of Islam.