Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / The problem of the dissertation is to present from an historical perspective the life, work, and thought of Charles Freer Andrews (1871-1940), Anglican missionary to India. In examining Andrews' life, special attention is given to those factors which influenced his work and thought. C. F . Andrews was truly a product of his environment. Born in Newcastle- upon- tyne, England, during the latter half of the nineteenth century, he was reared in the Irvingite tradition. His father and grandfather were ministers in the Catholic Apostolic Church founded by Edward Irving. While they provided a religious structure around Jesus Christ, Andrews ' mother exemplified a sympathetic, Christ-like servant. Andrews' national heritage also influenced him. He accepted the prevalent belief that Great Britain was part of God's plan to r ule the backward colonies, but he also was a true Englishman, believing deeply in the democratic system of government. During his college years, Andrews felt the impact of the new scientific age and its attack on Christian beliefs (Virgin Birth, Resurrection of the body, literal interpretation of the Bible) that could not be proven or adequately defended by the new findings of the natural scientists and literary critics. While pondering his own religious beliefs, Andrews became closely associated with Brooke Foss Westcott, Bishop of Durham, and his family. Through this intimate contact, Andrews was led into membership and the priesthood of the Anglican Church and became interested in missions. From 1904-1940, Andrews endeavored to bring into reality his Christ-like servitude as a missionary in India. His major concerns during these years were indentured labor which Andrews investigated in the Fiji Islands and assisted in its eventual abolishment, opium in Assam where he endeavored to show to the British Government of India its ineffective policies in the matter of increasing consumption of the drug, and Indian independence which Andrews advocated as early as the 1920's when others were willing to accept dominion status. In addition to his social concerns, Andrews also became concerned about his beliefs and relationship to the Anglican Church while he was in India. Because of his questioning of doctrines, the restrictiveness of the Anglican priesthood, and his contact with the non-Christians, he finally decided in 1915 to become a priest without a parish and to serve all men, Christians and non-Christians alike. This decision began Andrews' quest to answer such questions as: How does one explain the existence of great reli gious men outside the Christian faith? What is the "church"? Is there only one true and apostolic ministry? Although he did not resolve these questions completely, he sincerely attempted throughout his life to find the answers and tried to lead a Christ-like life. After two operations, Andrews died on April 5, 1940, in Calcutta. His body was carried to a nearby cemetery followed by a throng of Christians and non-Christians, rich and poor, walking together on foot to Andrews' last resting place. / 2031-01-01

“The present work has been approached as a Mission Study. This is a wide enough category, but if I have had a model in mind, it has been E.J. Sharpe's study of the thought of J.N. Farquhar, published in the series, “Studia Missionalia Upsaliensia” ¹⁰ I have tried to take account of J. Kent's appeal, in an essay on “The History of Christian Missions in the Modern Era”, to take secular history more seriously “for its own sake”, than was the case in an earlier generation of mission studies.¹¹ Not that any other study of Andrews would have made much sense, so active and perspicuous a participant was he in that history. I have also suggested that it is helpful to see Andrews within the special context of The Cambridge Mission to Delhi and its distinctive theology of mission, and indeed, my argument that this theology found a new authentication in his work during these years, provides a framework to the thesis. Two omissions ought to be justified, I have not attempted an elaborate review of the 19th century background of “Protestant missionary thought”, desirable as this might have been, because this has been done very thoroughly in the first part of Sharpe's study referred to above. Sharpe's omission, however, of the Cambridge Mission to Delhi and of “the missions of the Catholic tradition” (“with one exception, the Oxford mission to Calcutta”) because they lie to “one side of the dominant Evangelical stream of missionary thought”, provides a convenient space in which to establish the distinctive approach of the Delhi Mission.¹² Another omission is any general survey of the history of the Cambridge Mission, partly because a useful one is already available, by F.J. Western, but partly also because the essential context of Andrews' work was the completely new situation that developed almost immediately after his arrival in India, for which the earlier activities of the Mission provided no precedents. The sources used are exclusively English sources for English was almost exclusively the language in which the matter of Indian nationalism at this stage, and of Hindu reformation and of much of progressive Indian Islam occurred.¹³ For the unpublished sources for this study, I have relied largely on the well-known collections, in particular the archives of the C.M.D. and of S.P.G., the papers of two of the viceroys, Minto and Hardinge, and the correspondence of Tagore, Munshi Ram and Gandhi. The published sources have been in many ways quite as important as the unpublished, for Andrews became, from late 1906, something of a compulsive communicator in the nationalist press, and the evidence for his developing thought is to a considerable extent in print here. Many of these published sources are excessively rare. Thus, for example, there is, in India, only one surviving run of the St. Stephen's College Magazine for these years, and the same is true of the journal, Young Men of India, while there is in Britain only one microfilm copy of the nationalist newspaper, the Tribune, so important for this study. Because of the interest of much of this source material, and a wish to make it more accessible, I have allowed the notes to tend towards the copious. A full account of these sources is given in the Bibliography. Although, as is said above, Andrews' approach to his work, as representing a sort of realization of a distinctive theology of mission, provides a thesis on which this study is constructed, it is perhaps more important simply to claim a profound intrinsic interest in the story of this "gentle, eager and many-sided saint” ¹⁴ and in his perception of the necessities, still far from fulfilled, of a Christian response to the Asian revolution.” – from the Introduction.

Thesis (M.S.W.)--Smith College School for Social Work, Northampton, Mass., 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 51-58).

This dissertation uncovers three previously unrecognized innovations of Thomas Jeckyll in the Peacock Room. At the same time, the dissertation admits that sometimes James McNeill Whistler chose a more conventional path in the design of the room than previously acknowledged. The dissertation illuminates the often overlooked principle of Classical Decor, first described in the first century BC by Vitruvius, and analyzes how it was instituted in the Peacock Room. Four major points illustrate this conclusion. First, the meaning of the sunflower in the West is explored to account for the flower’s popularity and absorption into ancient heliotropic lore. Thomas Moore’s poetry may have inspired Aesthetic Movement designers such as Jeckyll to use the motif. Second, this dissertation demonstrates that the Peacock Room is only a distant descendant of the traditional European porcelain chamber. It was a new idea to turn the porcelain chamber into a dining room. Further, the room lacks two of the three key features of a porcelain room: lacquer panels and large plate-glass mirrors. When Whistler made the surfaces of this room dark and glossy, he made the room more traditional, aligning it with the customary lacquer paneling of porcelain rooms. And Jeckyll’s sho-dana shelving system in the Leyland dining room was without precedent in porcelain or other kinds of Western rooms, with influences from Japan and China. Third, Decor in the dining room was revealed as an established pattern in eating rooms from Ancient Roman triclinia to the present day. Fourth, Decor is present in the Peacock Room in four ways: in the trappings of the table used to decorate a dining room, in the darkness of this dining room, in the use of a foodstuff, the peacock, to decorate the room, and in the hearth’s sunflowers. Through the lens of the history of Western domestic interiors, significant innovations by Jeckyll have been brought to light, and the meaning of specific elements in the Peacock Room has been elucidated. Jeckyll and Whistler gave the world a sensational story in the Peacock Room but also a complex work of art that is only beginning to be illuminated.

In "American Callings" I argue that late-nineteenth and early-twentieth-century American literature dealing with cross-cultural humanitarianism contains a strand that sought to rectify the potentially oppressive shortcomings of humanitarian practice. The authors whose work I examine--novelists William Dean Howells and Albion Tourgeé, reformer Jane Addams, humorist George Ade, and memoirists Mary Fee and George Freer--grappled in their writing with two reciprocal questions. First, they meditated on how humanitarianism shapes, changes, and constitutes the self. Second, they theorized how increased self-awareness and self-criticism might help the humanitarian actor avoid the pitfalls of humanitarian practice that critics, in their time and ours, have seized upon. "American Callings" thus challenges three critiques that have been instrumental to American literary studies for decades: critiques of sentimental humanitarianism's complicity in projects of cultural domination, realism's investment in the status quo, and reform's role in maintaining social discipline through surveillance. The dissertation disputes the prevalent assertion that literature dealing with cross-cultural humanitarianism constitutes a sentimental, imperialistic, and ultimately violent discourse. I accomplish this by looking to instances of what Gregory Eiselein (1996) has called "eccentric" reform, efforts articulated from within a culture but in opposition to certain aspects of it. Drawing on narratives of what I call "humanitarian selfhood" in three historical contexts--industrializing urban centers in the North, the South during Reconstruction, and the Philippines during the U.S. occupation--"American Callings" traces an "eccentric" literary genealogy, one that offers up the humanitarian dynamic as a heuristic wherein the humanitarian agent arrives at a new kind of self-understanding by way of wrestling with the questions raised by service to others. The literature written by and about these humanitarians, I suggest, then provides an opportunity for readers to be transformed, as well. / text

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