Le monde sportif apparaît souvent comme un miroir grossissant de la société. Il peut être ainsi considéré comme un analyseur particulièrement pertinent des processus de construction du genre et des rapports sociaux de sexe dans les sociétés contemporaines. L’institution sportive, d’abord créée par des hommes pour des hommes, demeure particulièrement rétive à laisser plus de place aux femmes. Les institutions se féminisent mais le plafond de verre perdure.Les politiques pour l’égalité en France ont d’abord été sectorielles (droits civiques, droits à disposer de son corps, égalité professionnelle, etc.). Il en est de même en Europe où l’article 119 du traité de Rome pose le principe de l’égalité par une politique « pour le marché » (égalité de rémunération entre travailleurs féminins et masculins). A partir des années 90, la persistance des inégalités pousse l’Europe vers une autre approche de l’égalité, notamment au travers de sa prise en compte dans l’ensemble des politiques (approche globale et intégrée : gendermainstreaming). La France, en tant qu’État-membre, se devait d’intégrer l’acquis communautaire.La nomination en 2012 du premier gouvernement paritaire de l’histoire de la République (17 hommes et 17 femmes) et le rétablissement d’un ministère des Droits des femmes de plein exercice a montré l’engagement de l’État Français dans une nouvelle étape de mise en œuvre de la politique de l’égalité entre les femmes et les hommes. En s’inspirant du modèle européen, l’interministérialité comme renouveau des politiques publiques s’est déclinée depuis cette date. Entre 2012 et 2017, la thématique des Droits des femmes a fluctué entre ministère de plein exercice et secrétariat d’État. La loi du 4 août 2014 inscrit le principe d’égalité au cœur des politiques sportives notamment au travers de deux articles (article 56 relative à la protection des personnes victimes de violences et à la lutte contre les atteintes à la dignité dans le domaine de la communication - article 63 sur l’égal accès des femmes et des hommes aux responsabilités professionnelles et sportives).La thèse étudie les conditions, les instruments et les acteurs de la synergie interministérielle et son impact sur les politiques sportives. Elle analyse les plans de féminisation des fédérations afin de repérer la rentabilité différenciée de chacune d’entre elles à investir la thématique. Elle prend appui sur un audit territorial (département de Seine-et-Marne) afin de rendre compte des processus opérants de cette politique : logique descendante de la politique nationale (valorisation des plans de féminisation) ou logique expérimentale (éruptions ou plus rarement innovations locales). / The Sport world is often described as a magnifying glass of society. The sport world may be considered as an extremely relevant analytical tool to describe the socialization process and the gender relations between women and men in contemporary societies. The Sport institution founded for men and by men is particularly reluctant to make women play a much more prominent role. Although women become more prominent in several sectors, the glass ceiling is still very apparent.The gender equality policies in France have been sectoral (civil rights, the right of control over one’s own body, professional equality…). It is the same in Europe where Article 119 of the Treaty of Rome poses equality from a market policy point of view (equal remuneration for work of equal value for female and male). Since the 90’s, the reality of social inequalities persisting over time has led Europe to another approach regarding equality, in particular by taking into account all the government policies (global and integrated approach: gendermainstreaming). France, as a member state shall integrate “acquis-communitarian”.In 2012, the nomination of the first Government respecting parity in the Republic history (17 men and 17 women) and the restoration of the Women rights Ministry demonstrated French Government commitment for a new step for the equality between women and men. Inspired by the European model, inter-ministeriality have been applied as a renewal of public policies. Until 2017, Women’s rights thematic has fluctuated between full-exercise Ministry and and State secretariat. The 4 August 2014 law represents the equality principle in the center of the Sport Policies, in particular through two articles (Article 56 regarding the protection of victims of violence and the fight against human dignity violation in the communication domain – Article 63 on the equal access for women and men to sport and professional responsibilities).The thesis investigates the conditions, tools and actors of the inter-ministerial synergy and their impact on Sport related policies. It analyses the feminization plan of federations in order to evaluate the differentiated profitability of each of them to invest the thematic. It takes support on a territory-related audit (Seine-et-Marne department) to account for the operating process of this politic: top-down logic from the national policy (feminization plan valorization) or experimental logic (eruptions or more rarely local innovations).

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:17:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Beatriz Pires da Rocha.pdf: 865205 bytes, checksum: 0571eb0c290b73f6b5d9cc22225081e0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-05-26 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / During the whole of history, women have been supporting the most general struggles, also looking for answers for their specific demands. In Brazil, the women s movement has been recognized due to its capacity in trying to build consensus strategies within the diversity of its organizations and networks in important periods of the political history of the country, in order to be able to strengthen with it its position in the opposition or negotiation with the State. The objective of the research was to establish the relationship of the social movement with the government in terms of gender issues in public policies, reflecting the women s movement as a collective subject in the construction of the proposal for a popular political project. We defined as object those actions from the Lula government through the Special Secretariat for Women s Policies (SPM) that have come true through policies for women after the implementation of the I National Plan for Women s Policies (PNPM) in 2005. This is a social qualitative research which has been organized in three different phases: the first one was the bibliographical and documental research; the second was the field research with interviews with representatives of the government and the women s movement, and, finally, the third one, the systematization and the research analysis. The research revealed that the creation of a body like a SPM and the I PNPM were crucial in order to progress in public policies and programmers for women, recognizing that the construction of those policies is a process disputed by different political projects in society where the studies of the relationship between the government and the movement, and of the latter with its grassroots reveals a lot about the space occupied by women in the political stage and about the progress achieved / Ao longo da história, as mulheres têm se somado às lutas mais gerais, buscando também respostas para suas demandas específicas. No Brasil, o movimento de mulheres foi reconhecido por sua capacidade de buscar construir estratégias consensuais na diversidade de organizações e redes que o compõem em períodos marcantes da história política do país, para com isso, fortalecer sua posição na oposição ou na negociação frente ao Estado. A pesquisa realizada teve por objetivo estabelecer a relação do movimento social com o governo no que tange à temática de gênero nas políticas públicas, refletindo o movimento de mulheres, como sujeito coletivo, na construção da proposta de um projeto político popular. Definimos como objeto as ações do governo Lula que, através da Secretaria Especial de Política para Mulheres (SPM) tenham se concretizado em política para mulheres, a partir da implantação do I Plano Nacional de Política para Mulheres (PNPM), em 2004. Trata-se de uma pesquisa social, qualitativa que foi organizada em três momentos: o primeiro constituiu-se de uma pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, o segundo marcado pela pesquisa de campo, onde foram entrevistadas representações governamentais e do movimento de mulheres e por fim, o terceiro, pela sistematização e análise da pesquisa. A pesquisa revelou que a criação de um organismo como a SPM e o I PNPM foi fundamental para progredirmos em programas e políticas públicas para mulheres, com o reconhecimento de que a construção de tais políticas é um processo disputado por diferentes projetos políticos postos na sociedade, onde os estudos das relações entre governo e movimento, e deste com suas bases, é revelador do espaço ocupado pela mulher no cenário político e dos avanços alcançados