Today, global media such as the Internet provides media audiences scattered across the globe with the possibility of cross-cultural moral interaction upon a plethora of global digital public spheres. Such trends have been the catalyst for increased academic attention to the field of media and morality and the notion of media audiences as global citizens – ‘cosmopolitans at home’, consuming a wide array of mediated, global images and thus enforcing a proximity with the ‘distant Other’. Parallel to such trends is the dichotomous relationship between rural- and urban areas that have emerged as increasingly ambivalent in ‘network society’. Due to the ‘urbanization of media culture’ and the ‘digital divide’, it is argued that rural areas, in an era characterized by global interconnectedness, are rendered dysfunctional. On the other hand however, media can be argued to promote inclusion and new possibilities for rural people.   This study set out to empirically examine the tension field between residential patterns (rural/urban), the media (Internet) and cosmopolitanism. Setting out from the research questions: (1) What variables determine a ‘cosmopolitan outlook’ in Sweden?, (2) Does media use/access promote a ‘cosmopolitan outlook’, and under what circumstances?, and (3) Is there a ‘cosmopolitan divide’ between different residential patterns – and if so: how does it relate to different patterns of media use and access?. To attend the research questions, data from the annual national survey, Riks-SOM 2008, was analysed and the findings indicated the general trends for the Swedish cosmopolitan was, in accordance with other empirical accounts, young and well educated. Furthermore, respondents ‘high’ on Internet use where more likely to be cosmopolitans – confirming theoretical accounts of e.g. Anthony Giddens, Ulrich Beck and Dick Hebdige. Also, ‘locality’ proved to be more important for rural people than for people living in metropolitan areas. Finally, men and women displayed different ‘cosmopolitan patterns’: rural women being more cosmopolitan than metropolitan women in terms of a ‘willingness to move to a country outside of Europe’ while men displayed the opposite, following the hypothesis.

<p> </p><p>Today, global media such as the Internet provides media audiences scattered across the globe with the possibility of cross-cultural moral interaction upon a plethora of global digital public spheres. Such trends have been the catalyst for increased academic attention to the field of media and morality and the notion of media audiences as global citizens – ‘cosmopolitans at home’, consuming a wide array of mediated, global images and thus enforcing a proximity with the ‘distant Other’. Parallel to such trends is the dichotomous relationship between rural- and urban areas that have emerged as increasingly ambivalent in ‘network society’. Due to the ‘urbanization of media culture’ and the ‘digital divide’, it is argued that rural areas, in an era characterized by global interconnectedness, are rendered dysfunctional. On the other hand however, media can be argued to promote inclusion and new possibilities for rural people.</p><p> </p><p>This study set out to empirically examine the tension field between residential patterns (rural/urban), the media (Internet) and cosmopolitanism. Setting out from the research questions: (1) <em>What variables determine a ‘cosmopolitan outlook’ in Sweden?</em>, (2) <em>Does media use/access promote a ‘cosmopolitan outlook’, and under what circumstances?</em>, and (3) <em>Is there a ‘cosmopolitan divide’ between different residential patterns – and if so: how does it relate to different patterns of media use and access?</em>.<em> </em>To attend the research questions, data from the annual national survey, Riks-SOM 2008, was analysed and the findings indicated the general trends for the Swedish cosmopolitan was, in accordance with other empirical accounts, young and well educated. Furthermore, respondents ‘high’ on Internet use where more likely to be cosmopolitans – confirming theoretical accounts of e.g. Anthony Giddens, Ulrich Beck and Dick Hebdige. Also, ‘locality’ proved to be more important for rural people than for people living in metropolitan areas. Finally, men and women displayed different ‘cosmopolitan patterns’: rural women being more cosmopolitan than metropolitan women in terms of a ‘willingness to move to a country outside of Europe’ while men displayed the opposite, following the hypothesis.</p><p> </p>

This thesis analyzes the role of the global media in world politics. The global media as a major source of information performs many functions in world politics. Due to the technological innovations both the global media and world politics has extended their scope and content. It is the aim of this thesis to explore to what extent the global media and world politics changes and to what extent the global media affect world politics. Moreover, this thesis aims to analyze the actors that play a significant role in the relation of global media and world politics. This thesis will also question the importance and effects of global media in world politics through the examples of Iraq War of 2003. This thesis argues that global media are the important actor of world politics by their agenda-setting, impediment and accelerant effects which influences public opinion. The aim of this thesis is to question the power of the global media on public opinion through the existential media structures, while showing the effects of global media by the examples of Iraq War of 2003.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:30:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paginas 1 a 60.pdf: 464232 bytes, checksum: 1b4d0802e836af99b7e4593acf741b29 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-03-30 / Historically considered as national, the magazine medium has been reinvented in the regions. Its tradicional patterns are going through a readaptation and the dominant schemes in its journalistic production are no longer homogeneous. There is an area movement looking for a new market, embedded in the regional specificities and socio-economic development characteristics that is flourishing in a daily previously unknown by the so-called great press. The Brazilian magazine readers market is growing consecutively in a organized way for years. Although the absence of records in the authority sources, the regional magazines and its editions has been increased in number speedily, despites the financial economical reveses suffering by the other sectors of cultural industry. This phenomenon is the objective of this research: mapping the new geography of the magazine medium in the five Brazilian macro regions to comprehend how the regional identities are processed to the credit of public communication with specific groups, characteristic that is in the essence of magazine. Mixed methods of qualitative and quantitative research design the path to necessary juxtaposition to describe this boom of publications. Multiple cases study and content analysis, involving five magazines from each one of political administrative regions describes and discuss the bias of segmentation in the editorial market beyond the Rio São Paulo axle. As a result of this investigation, it came to the following conclusions: the consolidation of a new journalistic area, professionalized, competent and creative, far from the amateurism, provincialism and to the simplistic imitation; the more significant vehicle of each five infranational macro regions, according to the methodological built created to this research, work with relations, ways and demands of symbolic production without artificialism; the institutionalized regional identities are intimately connected to the regions of influence and the urban nets; the urban life style reproduction stamped in the magazines of this corpus reinforces its own power like a communication vehicle, as well as works like a feedback to the regional accents in the social levels where they are generated and digested. / Historicamente tido como nacional, o meio revista está sendo regionalmente reinventado. Seus moldes tradicionais passam por uma readaptação e os esquematismos dominantes na produção jornalística já não são homogêneos. Há um movimento setorial à procura de um novo mercado, incrustado nas especificidades regionais e no desenvolvimento socioeconômico que está vicejando num cotidiano desconhecido pela chamada grande imprensa. O mercado de revistas no Brasil cresce consecutivamente e de forma organizada há anos. Embora não haja registros nas fontes de autoridade, as revistas regionais e as tiragens têm se multiplicado velozmente, contrariando os revezes econômico-financeiros sentidos por outros setores da indústria cultural. Este fenômeno é o objetivo desta pesquisa: mapear a nova geografia do meio revista nas cinco macrorregiões brasileiras para entender como as identidades regionais são processadas em favor da comunicação com públicos específicos, característica que está na essência da revista. Métodos mistos de pesquisa qualitativa e quantitativa traçam o caminho da justaposição necessária para descrever este surto de publicações regionais. Estudo de casos múltiplos e análise de conteúdo envolvendo cinco revistas de cada uma das regiões políticoadministrativas, descrevem e discutem as tendências da segmentação no mercado editorial além do eixo Rio-São Paulo. Como resultado desta investigação, chega-se às seguintes conclusões: a consolidação de um novo campo jornalístico regional, profissionalizado, competente e criativo, distante do amadorismo, do bairrismo e da mimetização simplista; os mais expressivos veículos de cada uma das cinco macro-regiões infra-nacionais, segundo o construto metodológico criado para esta pesquisa, trabalham as relações, modos e demandas de produção simbólica sem artificialismos; as identidades regionais instituídas estão intimamente ligadas às regiões de influência e as redes urbanas; o retrato do estilo de vida urbano estampado nas revistas do corpus reforça tanto o poder desta como veículo de comunicação, como retroalimenta os sotaques regionais nos níveis sociais onde são produzidas e digeridas.(AU)

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En prenant le MF20 comme principale étude de cas , je plaide contre les affirmations du caractère nouveau, unique, fructueux, manqué ou achevé de ces mouvements arabes. Je passe en revue la première décennie du 21ème siècle et la déclaration de la Guerre contre le terrorisme (2003) comme déclencheurs de conflits socio-politiques déjà installés dans la région MENA. La deuxième décennie de ce siècle, à travers les soulèvements arabes, a seulement rendu visibles aux yeux du monde les transgressions des droits de l'homme et les atrocités prenant place au Moyen-Orient.Ces soulèvements ont rapidement été réduits à des soulèvements épisodiques. La troisième décennie semble malheureusement entre les mains des idéologues de droite qui s’opposent au multiculturalisme et à l'extrémisme religieux, et qui, de fait, réorientent le débat loin des problèmes sociaux en mettant en avant le récit « nous contre eux ». Pour ces raisons, je prétends que les soulèvements arabes sont loin d’être achevés ; ils n’ont fait que débuter. Contrairement au dessin qu’en fait Davis (2013), ils ne s’estompent pas pour disparaître complètement mais seulement pour revenir en force.L'analyse approfondie dans le projet de la saga des luttes de ces mouvements arabes avec les régimes autocratiques arabes, qui n’ont fait rien d’autre que mettre en place des réformes préventives, nécessite de notre part une attention particulière pour les décennies à venir. Même les cas dits « fructueux », notamment la Tunisie et le Maroc, indiquent que ce qui est célébré est en fait un état de stabilité temporaire qui cache des faiblesses majeures et alarmantes dans le cadre du changement social et de la justice sociale ; deux des principaux déclencheurs du soi-disant printemps arabe.Thomas Friedman fait appel à des détails historiques, dans son excellent article pour le New York Times, demandant à ce que l'expression « Printemps arabe » soit retirée et remplacée par la « Décennie arabe » d'Anthony Cordesman ou le « Quart de siècle arabe ». Je propose que nous nous situons au-delà, et que nous assistons en fait à un Siècle arabe en mutation.Si l’on se fie aux changements politiques récents dans le monde, il apparaît que les changements sociaux dans le monde arabe seront négligés pendant au moins une autre décennie. La montée au pouvoir de l’extrême-droite aux États-Unis et en Europe a déjà retiré l’accent des injustices sociales dans le monde arabe au profit de la question éternelle de l'islam et de l'extrémisme en Occident. Cela s'avère offrir une pause aux régimes autocratiques arabes qui utilisent cette ascension de l'islamophobie en Occident comme un argument unificateur qui distrait des injustices sociales au sein de leurs républiques et leurs royaumes. Ainsi, la lutte des citoyens arabes dans les états arabes pour la dignité sociale sera négligée jusqu'à ce que le récit revivifié du choc de l'islam et de l'Occident disparaisse. / With the MF20 as the major Case Study , I argue against the claims of the newness, uniqueness, success and failure or finality of these Arab movements. I revisit the first decade of the 21st century and the declaration of War on Terrorism (2003) as one trigger of sociopolitical conflicts that were already entrenched in the MENA region. What we witnessed in the second decade of this century is that the Arab uprisings only exposed transgressions in human rights and atrocities in the Middle East to the world. These uprisings were hurriedly reduced to seasonal uprisings. The third decade unfortunately looks to be in the hands of right-wing ideologues standing against multiculturalism and stressing the fear of religious extremism to change the focus from social issues and force the narrative of us-against-them on the forefront. For these reasons, I claim, there is no finality to the Arab uprisings, they have just begun and they are not in a state of thaw as Davis (2013) depicts them, but they are in slumbering phase recouping for a stronger come back. The close analysis in the project of the saga of struggles of these Arab movements with the Arab autocratic regimes who engineered nothing but preemptive reforms, requires our close attention for the remaining decades in this 21st century. Even the so-called successful cases, Tunisia and Morocco, indicate that what is celebrated is a state of temporary stability with major and alarming short comings in social change and social justice; two of the main reasons of the so called Arab Spring. Thomas Friedman suggests great historical details, in his great piece for the New York Times, calling for the expression “Arab Spring” be retired and be replaced by Anthony Cordesman’s the “Arab Decade” or “Arab Quarter Century” . I claim we are beyond that, and that we are witnessing an Arab Century in movement.If the recent political changes around the world are any indication, social change in the Arab world will be overlooked for at least another decade. The rise of the extreme right to power in the US and in Europe has already shifted the focus from the social injustices in the Arab world to the everlasting issue of Islam and extremism in the West. This is proving to be a big break for Arab autocratic regimes, who are using this rise of Islamophobia in the West as a unifying argument that distracts from the social injustices within their republics and kingdoms. Thus, the struggle of Arab citizens within the Arab states for social dignity will be overlooked until the revived narrative of the clash of Islam and the West dies down.