Orientador: Cássia Navas Alves de Castro / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Artes / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T08:58:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Valentim_AldoLuiz_M.pdf: 15008400 bytes, checksum: e9172c1095aeb643f8fea55d10b52405 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: A Companhia de Dança Deborah Colker é considerada uma das mais importantes dentro do conjunto das companhias de dança contemporânea do Brasil, tendo reconhecimento nacional e internacional. Este trabalho busca compreender quais fatores colaboraram com o processo de internacionalização da Companhia analisando a construção da identidade estética e a gestão profissionalizada como principais aliados no percurso de organização, estruturação e internacionalização da Companhia de Dança Deborah Colker / Abstract: The Deborah Colker Dance Company is considered one of the most important inside of the set of the company's of contemporary dance of Brazil, having had national and international recognition. This searchs to understand which factors had cooperated with the process of internationalization of the Company having analyzed the construction of the esthetic identity and the management professionalized as main united in the way of organization, and internationalization of the Deborah Colker Dance Company / Mestrado / Artes Cenicas / Mestre em Artes

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In this dissertation I query a notion that is prevalent among contemporary literary critics, cultural policy-makers, and media representatives in Canada: the notion that Canadian literature is national "soul-stuff" and thus not an ordinary commodity. I argue that this notion obscures the crucial nexuses at which the literary, economic, and political spheres blur inside Canada. My analysis of Canada's literary conditions under contemporary globalization examines just these nexuses. It pries apart the discourses of national literature and national identity in order to investigate how they function and onto which economic, political, and social values they project themselves. With this approach, I do not intimate that Canadian literature does not have any non-market value. Rather, I want to draw attention to the fact that the traditional focus on literature as a trope of non-material, national values masks what is really at stake at the present moment -namely questions of "value." What are the social and political values that structure contemporary Canadian society: its political organization, public sphere, cultural production, public policies? How are literary-cultural decisions made and by whom? These questions open to scrutiny nationalist narratives of globalization, which tend to reduce contemporary processes of globalization (such as global cultural commodification) to the totalizing force of U.S. neo-imperialism. Not only is Canada's relationship to cultural imperialism, capitalism, and globalizing forces more complicated than assumed in such reasoning, but globalization also is a more complicated phenomenon than the currently widespread notion of U.S. neo-imperialism suggests. I show that this notion has in substantial ways distracted from the active and voluntary involvement of other parties and countries in the current neoliberal restructuring of global power, which asserts as inevitable the commercialization and privatization of cultural and social goods, policies, and public functions, and the deregulation of markets. In Canada, claims of cultural-national sovereignty and strategies of cultural protection have tended to omit the fact that the increasing conversion of Canada's "national literature" in economic terms is symptom of this neoliberal restructuring process in which the Canadian government actively participates by depoliticizing its functions and handing control over markets to multinational corporations, international trade agreements, and international judicial and political instruments. Subsequently, I propose that we should not, at this point, study (and teach) Canadian literature in order to protect a national tradition and assert the image of an autonomous literature of multicultural "Canadianness," but in order to approach the question of globalization and the issue of neoliberalism from alternative perspectives. Hence, I also distance myself from postmodernist approaches to the literary study of globalization, which tend to read the latter in purely textual terms that emphasize transnational and transcultural images and narratives. While this postmodernist focus has in many ways countered the totalizing implications of the term globalization, it has run the risk of excluding the material realities of literary globalization from its inventory of study objects. So has the more recent North American discourse of "global literary study," which has been largely limited to postmodernist idealizations and transnational histories of globalization. As an alternative to these readings, I propose a materialist literary approach that emphasizes that an understanding of the contemporary literary conditions in Canada requires an understanding of neoliberal globalization as the context within which literary studies articulates itself as an academic discipline and within which the production and consumption of literature takes place today. Materialist literary criticism engages in a process of critical interdisciplinarity -at the junction of the fields of English-Canadian literary studies, cultural studies, postcolonial studies, and globalization studies -that is non-nationalist and unsettling of the neoliberal power structures and values that increasingly pervade universities and cultural policies and markets. The dissertation chapters explore the possibility and emphasize the actual existence of alternative globalization processes and narratives. The first chapter does so by engaging in the more recent North American debate on the literary study of globalization. The second chapter discusses the neoliberal orientation in the present practice of modernrepresentative democracy in Canada in order to test the grounds for alternative methods of more inclusive cultural decision-making, especially as it relates to literary production. In opposition to the still-prevalent modernist ideal-purported most notably by Northrop Frye and A.J .M. Smith -of a globally vanguardist Canadian literature, the study of Aboriginal and ethnic minority writers undertaken in the third chapter brings forth an "allochronic" (or differently-timed) understanding of Canadian literature, globalization, and their interrelations. The fourth chapter complicates the cultural nationalist binary of Canadian-owned, government-funded publishing and foreign-owned, market-driven publishing. It explores the idea of alternative publishing by means of interviews with small-scale Aboriginal and EuroCanadian publishers and an analysis of radical Canadian writers that publish with big publishing conglomerates such as Random House and HarperCollins. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Globalization is a multi-faceted process which consists of three dimensions: economic, political, and cultural. First, the causes and effects of globalization are explored. ·Then we look closer at the relationship between globalization and the nation-state. Inspired by Maslow's hierarchy of needs, I have developed a model by which to understand this relationship. Similar to Maslow's hierarchy, a country must fulfill the needs of each tier before moving up. At the bottom is economic globalization; the second tier is political globalization; and the third and highest tier is cultural globalization. The United· States provides the model by which to compare other countries, as it has reached the highest level and has received the highest scores on all three tiers. Three aspects of this relationship are covered: the United States as a cause of globalization, the impact' of globalization on the United States, and American political culture as a major obstacle to globalization. There is then a brief look at two other countries, China and Japan, are given to further demonstrate how the hierarchy is applied. Lastly, the paper delves into the future of globalization and how different actors will deal with the new reality.

In the last thirty years, there has been a significant increase in the globalization process, or as other refer to it, the internationalization, free trade, or liberalization. This trend was reflected in the increasing number of newly formed international organization (economic and security) as well as in the increased membership in the already existing ones. The evidence of this trend has been particularly visible since the end of the Cold War, when the race of the Eastern European countries to enter international organizations has been as competitive as ever. Nonetheless, a number of countries, upon careful evaluation and consideration of membership, has opted out of the opportunity to enter such international agreements. The question that this paper addresses is how do countries decided whether to enter or not international organizations? In other words, what elements, processes, and motives lie behind the decision of countries to commit to a new membership? Most of the studies that have addressed this topic have done so from an international perspective as they addressed the politics between countries, as well as the costs and benefits in terms of power, sovereignty, and national income once in the organizations. This paper, on the other hand, approaches the issue from a comparative perspective, both economic and political. It attempts to answer the research question by looking at the domestic sources of decision -making and how they influence this decision. Namely, a decision to become more open to trade has several implications for a country, depending on its size, and already established trade openness, among other factors. The impact of increased openness will most seriously affect the domestic players, both negatively and positively. Thus, in considering the impact that the policy could have on their welfare, players align their interests in order to express their preferences on the issue to the decision makers. The ability of the domestic actors to have their preferences considered in turn depends on the structure of the institutions through which they can participate in the political process i.e. how are their votes turned into seats, and who has most impact in the policymaking. Thus, depending on the impact of globalization on a country's domestic welfare, as well as the composition of the domestic players (export versus import intensive), the decision of the country on whether to participate or not will finally depend on the preference filtering mechanism given by the electoral and representative systems a country has. Thus, the decisions to join or not to will sometime reflect a special interest, while at other times it will be the result of an agreement reached by all of the existing groups.

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Can individuals support for radical right parties in European countries be explained as a consequence of globalization? This quantitative study proceeds from the cleavage theory and examines the theory of winners and losers of globalization by studying the importance of three mechanisms on a micro level. It compares the importance of the economic, cultural and political mechanisms effect on individual support for radical right parties in countries within the European Union.  The study finds evidence that supports the theory of winners and losers of globalization and evidence that indicates that the cultural mechanism is the most important of the three to explain individual support for radically right parties.

劉義. / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 190-225). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Liu Yi.

This thesis consists of three essays which explore different economic issues emerging in today's globalized world economy. Using a model of outsourcing by monopolistically competitive firms, the first essay shows that, even in the case of flexible domestic wages, international outsourcing (and/or re-location of plants to a low-wage economy) by home firms may worsen the welfare of the home country and reduce the profits of all firms in the industry, even though it is individually rational for each firm to choose to outsource. It shows that if a social planner for the home country can choose the extent of international outsourcing, his optimal choice will not coincide with the equilibrium outcome under laissez-faire. A wage subsidy may improve welfare. When the wage in the home country is rigid we show that outsourcing is welfare-improving for the home country if and only if the sum of the "trade creation" effect and the "exploitation effect" exceeds the "trade diversion" effect of the access to the low-wage labour in the foreign country. The essay also assesses the model in a two-period framework, where each domestic firm faces the choice between outsourcing (or re-location) in the first period, or in the second period. Delaying outsourcing can be gainful because the fixed cost of outsourcing may fall over time. On the other hand, delaying means the firm's variable production cost in period 1 will be higher than that of rivals who are outsourcing. The equilibrium of this two-period game may involve some firms outsourcing in period 1, while others will outsource in period 2, even though ex-ante they are identical firms. Under monopolistic competition, in equilibrium, the sum of discounted profits is identical for all firms. Again, a social planner for the home country may choose a different speed of outsourcing than the speed achieved by an industry under laissez-faire. / The second essay explores the market for fair-trade products. It employs a duopoly model involving a firm producing a fair-trade product in competition against a conventional firm producing a standard product. The concept of "economic identity" (Akerlof and Kranton, 2000) is used to model consumers' demand for fair-trade products. The essay shows how, in the short run, the parameters of the identity function can impact the equilibrium prices, and in the medium run, how they impact the conventional firm's choice of its position in the product space. In the long run, however, the fair-trade firm may be able to influence the parameters of the identity function, for its own advantage. / The last essay uses the contest model (Tullock, 1980, Rowley et al., 1988, Hillman and Riley, 1989, Nitzan, 1994) to assess welfare effects of bilateral liberalization of government procurement. It shows that there exists a single condition that ensures active participations of all firms in all contests. When this condition is violated, i.e. under a dominant-country case, the dominating country always gains from trade liberalization, while welfare of the dominated country improves only if its corporate tax is sufficiently high. Under full participation of all firms, i.e. no country dominates the markets, and countries are partially symmetric, there exist conditions where bilateral liberalization is mutually beneficial to both countries. When countries are completely asymmetric, it is showed that a country may gain from bilateral trade liberalization if its tax rate is sufficiently high, while the tax rate of the other country is sufficiently low. The results obtained in this essay have shed lights on the current position of negotiations on liberalizing government procurement within the WTO. They suggest plurilateral agreements on government procurement could be formed among countries with similar economic conditions. Such agreements, however, are hard to reach between countries with a large degree of economic asymmetry.

Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 223-243). / Electronic reproduction. / Also available by subscription via World Wide Web / xii, 243 leaves, bound 29 cm