No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1978.

The Inkatha movement has received, large publicity over the few years since its revival and especially recently with the formation of an alliance between Inkatha, the ("Coloured") labour Party and the ("Indian") Reform Party, Thi3 paper was done to suggest a possible approach, for discussion, to the analysis of current political, ideological and economic developments in the reserve areas of the South African social formation. More specifically the paper hopes to provide information that could be relevant to an analysis of developments in the kwaZulu region. An elaboration of the hints at an approach, integration of factors relating to the stage of capitalism in the South African social formation and class struggle would have made this a more satisfactory paper for discussion. The approach adopted has to be extremely tentative at this stage, both because of the immediate and obvious problems associated with contemporary research and analysis (It is even less possible to approach the subject with "objectivity", to "distance oneself from it", than is the case with topics that can more properly be called "history") but also because of the dearth of material available on the reserve "homeland" areas and the difficult y of doing research in these areas. (Wages Commission research into conditions on wattle plantations, Cosmas Desmond and others and their work on resettlement etc., and subsequent responses to these investigations, give some idea of the sensitivity of thin work), In the first section I will introduce certain concepts relating to an analysis of the "homelands" through some recent writing on these areas. References will be to the kwaZulu region. The second section deal.3 specifically with the Inkatha movement. Information relating to this movement is provided and one issue is presented in greater detail, hut no rigorous attempt is mado to apply the mode of analysis of the first section to the issues around the position of 'Inkatha. Indicators exist but with so many dynamics operative they can be no more than that. However, I do not believe that it is possible to understand the political, economic and ideological developments in the "homelands" without keeping the questions raised in the first section in mind - and definitely impossible to come to an adequate understanding if these areas are looked at in isolation, ie if apparently "internal" events and processes are not situated within a context broadly defined by the specific stage of the development of capitalism in South Africa (monopoly dominance), and without keeping in mind the history of class struggle within the social formation. / Class formation in the South African reserve areas: Inkatha - a study

Thesis (MPA)--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The economic policy of the South African government referred to as the Growth Employment and Redistribution Strategy (GEAR) has had a crippling impact on millions of poor and lowincome families in South Africa since its adoption in 1996. The benefits to the minority have not compensated for the increased inequality, uncertainty and poverty that others have experienced (McDonald & Pape, 2002:24). South Africa became the first African state to develop and implement a structural adjustment programme by voluntarily seeking the assistance of the World Bank and the IMF (Bond, 2000a:35). The government’s own statistics reveal that unemployment, which was already high, reached catastrophic levels since 1996 and the poor became significantly poorer (Beuchler, 2002:04). Together with their community leadership, poor people increasingly managed to articulate the link between the increased poverty and hardships they experience and the state’s macro-economic policies. More than a decade into democracy, Mandela Park finds itself under armed assault by the State. Several community members have sacrificed their lives while fighting revolutionary struggles to ensure access to basic services and to remain in the places apartheid confined them. None of them ever thought that the hopes and dreams they harboured while fighting for democracy would be so brutally suppressed by the very government for which they sacrificed their lives. Community organizations such as the Mandela Park Anti-Eviction Campaign (MPAEC) make significant contributions to community empowerment by mobilizing and articulating the voices of the poor and the vulnerable groups in the society to resist the State’s hegemony with regards to service cut-offs and household evictions. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die ekonomiese beleid van die Suid Afrikaanse regering wat bekend staan as GEAR het n kreupelende uitwerking op miljoene arme en lae-inkomste gesinne in Suid Afrika gehad veral sedert die program in 1996 deur die regering aanvaar is. Die voordele aan ‘n enkele minderheid het nie vergoed vir die toenemde ongelykhede, onsekerhede en armoede wat andere ondervind het nie (McDonald & Pape, 2002:24). Suid Afrika het die eerste Afrika staat geword om n strukturele aanpassingsprogram te ontwikkel en te implementeer deur vrywilliglik die hulp van die Wêreld Bank en die Internasionale Monitêre Fonds te soek (Bond, 2000a:35). Soos die regering se eie statistieke aandui, het werkloosheid wat alreeds hoog is, katastrofiese vlakke bereik terwyl die land se armes merkwaardig armer geword het (Beuchler, 2002:04).Arm mense het tesame met hul gemeenskapleiers toenemend daarin geslaag om die verband tussen hul groeinde armoede en swaarhede, en die regering se makro-ekonomiese beleid te identifiseer. Nou, na meer as ‘n dekade in demokrasie, bevind Mandela Park inwoners hulself onder gewapende aanval deur die staat. Gemeenskapslede het revolusionêre gevegte gestry en hul lewens op die spel geplaas om toegang tot basiese dienste te verseker en te bly in die plekke waar apartheid hulle gevestig het. Niemand het ooit kon dink dat die hoop en drome wat hulle gekoester het terwyl hulle teen apartheid geveg het, so wreed onderdruk sou word deur dieselde regering waarvoor hulle hul lewens opgeoffer het nie. Gemeenskapsorganisasies soos die MPAEC in Mandela Park het ‘n betekenisvolle bydrae gemaak tot die bemagtiging van daardie gemeenskap deur die mobilisasie en artikulasie van die stemme van die arm en kwesbare groepe in die samelewing om weerstand te bied teen die Staat se hegemonie ten opsigte van die beeindiging van dienste en die uitsetting van gesinne uit hul huise.

D.Litt. et Phil. / Non-violent mass-based protest and resistance by liberation groups have a long history in the South African context. Prior to the 1980s, they had achieved only minor and isolated successes. The formation of the United Democratic Front (UDF) in 1983 and its successful mass protest action against the state to 1990, changed the equation, however. The UDF's origin could indirectly be traced back to attempts from the 1950s to launch mass-based protest and resistance against the apartheid state. Calls for the formation of a united front against the South African State were made by various persons and organisations since the 1950s, but it was only by the 1980s that circumstances allowed the formation of a united front. Demographic realities, urbanisation, the legalisation of black trade unions, an educated leadership, the growth of a grassroots-based civil society among blacks, all contributed to make the formation of the UDF a reality. Protest against the government's tricameral system, initially provided the direct stimulus for the formation of the UDF during 1983 to 1984. By the end of 1984, the UDF had built up a wide support base to directly threaten the government's position. The result was several states of emergency through which the state endeavoured to crush the UDF-led opposition. The UDF's unique structure, which consisted of affiliates from all sectors of civil society, including black trade unions as an alliance partner, managed to survive the state's repressive measures, continued to pressurise the state so that by 1989, under a new head-of-state, the National Party "capitulated" and opened the door to real elections for a democratic South Africa. The UDF's strategies were aimed to mobilise the masses and through its mass-based action, bring maximum pressure to bear on the government. This strategic approach was executed by employing various tactics, which related to the classic methods of mass-based non-violent action. In the end, the state's security apparatus proved unable to cope with the UDF's relentless actions, offset by its inability to act effectively against the UDF as an entity, mainly because of its amorphous structure. Although other factors, such as economic recession, foreign sanctions, the ANC campaign to isolate South Africa, among other played a role, the UDF provided the crucial domestic impetus to illustrate to the South African government, that black resistance couldn't be suppressed and that the situation would continue to worsen. Seen against this background, it is unlikely that CODESA would have occurred as soon as it did without the activities of the UDF throughout the 1980s.

M.A. University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanities (Journalism and Media Studies), 2012 / The relationship between governments and the media has historically been an antagonistic one, and investigative journalism – the material manifestation of the role of the press as fourth estate – is central to this antagonism. In their capacity as the fourth estate, those newspapers that pursue and publish investigative journalism stand in opposition to government. Governments have responded to this opposition in a variety of ways; mostly, however, by way of legislated censorship of the press. In South Africa, the legislation that regulated what newspapers could print under apartheid was unusually vast. In spite of this, major exposés of government corruption – and worse – were seen on the front pages of those publications that pursue investigations into political malfeasance. In South Africa’s post-apartheid democracy, with constitutional protection of the freedom of expression, there has been increasing evidence of what Jackson has called the “embedded qualities of intolerance and secrecy” (1993: 164) in the state’s response to revelations of corruption in the press, culminating in the Protection of State Information Bill that was passed in Parliament in November 2011. The passing of the Bill has resulted in widespread concern about the possibility of legislated, apartheid-style censorship of the media and freedom of expression. I interviewed five editors who were part of exposing state corruption during and after apartheid, in order to establish what motivates their decisions to keep on printing stories that brings them into conflict with the political powers of the day, in spite of the financial consequences for their publications. Regardless of the different political landscapes, the strategies that they followed in order to keep on publishing were remarkably similar, as is their reason for continuing to publish investigative stories: they believe it embodies the role of the press in a democracy. Indicators are that editors will keep on publishing, in spite of attempts by the government to gag the press.

Op ’n sonnige Saterdag- oggend op Montagu kom daar ’n gekap en geraas uit ’n groot skuur. In die agter- grond sing ’n vrou ’n op- gewekte deuntjie. Wie werk so hard en so vrolik op ’n Saterdag? En waarom? Toe Ons Leer Mekaar onder- soek gaan instel, het ons die Montagu Skrynwerkers Ko- operatief leer ken - ’n be- sonderse groep mense wat op ’n besondere manier werk. Hulle is ’n span van tien, waar- van vier vroue is. En almal in die span is saam eienaars van die skrynwerkers-besigheid. Maandag-oggende besluit die span wat hulle target vir die week is. "En as ons nie target slaan nie, dan moet ons sit, al is dit Saterdag", vertel Leon de Koker, die produksie- koordineerder. "Jy werk vir jouself, so aan die einde van die dag kan jy nie ’n baas blameer, of se baas waar is my loon nie. Hier moet almal saamtrek. Elke lid deel in die winste van die ko-operatief, maar ook omgekeerd: as ons verliese maak, deel elkeen daar in." Die ko-operatief maak futon- beddens en ses-hoekiae tafels, wat landwyd verkoop word. Futon beddens lyk soos harde plat matrasse wat op die grond oop gegooi word. Die tafels word veral in kantore gebruik, omdat baie tafels in- mekaar pas om ’n groter tafel te maak. Dit word ook trapazoidal tafels genoem. Baie council huise op Montagu het nie elektrisiteit me. Die skrynwerkers verkoop hulle afval-houtjies teen R1 ’n sak vir brandhout. Die semels verkoop hulle aan die boere wat hoenders en perde aanhou. "In die somer noem ons dit die Coke-fonds, die geldjies wat so inkom", se Leon.

In South Africa the left-wing is currently in an ascendant mode. Yet it is not an unproblematic ascendancy. For one thing, because Marxism has been interwoven with so much of the South African struggle, the South African Left are now unable to disentangle themselves from the contemporary 'collapse of the Marxist dream'. And this translates into a South African socio-political issue because as the Left accumulates influence and power in South Africa so the problems and limitations of historical materialism acquire a wider social significance. This thesis will argue that a key problem with the historical materialist paradigm has been its limitations when dealing with communication and the media. However, there have been historical materialists (usually those who consciously stepped outside 'mainstream Marxist' discourse) who made considerable advances in attempting to develop historical materialism's capacity for dealing with communication, the media and the subjective. This thesis will examine some of the work which has attempted to 'reconstruct' historical materialism away from a narrow materialism. The aim will be to give some direction to the development of a New Left approach to communication. Such a reconstruction is seen as a precondition if the Left-wing is to find a formula for dealing with Information Age relations of production. A New Left communicology able to deal with the 'superstructuralism' of the Information Age offers a specific perspective on how to construct a development strategy for South Africa. This will be discussed, and the thesis will attempt to tie together the notions of communication, development and democracy. The relationship between communication and democracy will be especially important for the New Left approach that will be favoured in this thesis. So an important theme in the thesis will be the question of developing a left-hegemony based upon a democratic-pluralism. This will entail examining the role that media and an institutionalised social-dialogue can play in building a left-wing democracy. The extent to which the left-wing media in South Africa have contributed to a democratic dialogue is discussed. This will then be extended into a discussion of how media can contribute to the reconstruction, development and democratization of a leftist post-apartheid South Africa. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1991.

Ruth First was an activist, journalist and sociologist trained by experience and credentialed by her numerous publications. Having lived most of her adult life as an intellectual and activist, First died in August 1982 at the hands of a regime and its supporters who intensely detested all these pursuits. This research project sketches the intellectual contributions made by the South African sociologist during her time at the Centre of African Studies at Eduardo Mondlane University, Mozambique. Her life like the newspaper she edited in the early 1970s was a Fighting Talk and this research project is about celebrating that life and valorising some of the life’s work that she left behind. Making use of qualitative research methods such as archiving, semi-structured interviews and contents analysis, this thesis sought to document Ruth First’s intellectual interventions while at the Centre of African Studies. Engaging with her work while she was in Mozambique and inserting her intellectual contributions, which like those of many African scholars have given way to debates from the global North, into our curriculum would perhaps be the real refutation of the assassin's bomb. This engagement is also crucial as it extends much further than the striking accolades which take the form of buildings and lectures established in her honour.

It is important that the story of organisations like the End Conscription Campaign be recorded. The narrative of the struggle against apartheid has become a site of contestation. As the downfall of apartheid is still a relatively recent event, the history is still in the process of formation. There is much contestation over the relative contributions of different groups within the struggle. This is an important debate as it informs and shapes the politics of the present. A new official narrative is emerging which accentuates the role of particular groupings, portraying them as the heroes and the leaders of the struggle. A new elite have laid exclusive claim to the heritage of the struggle and are using this narrative to justify their hold on power through the creation of highly centralised political structures in which positions of power are reserved for loyal cadres and independent thinking and questioning are seen as a threat. A complementary tradition of grassroots democracy, of open debate and transparency, of “people’s power”, of accountability of leadership to the people fostered in the struggle is being lost. It is important to contest this narrative. We need to remember that the downfall of apartheid was brought about by a myriad combination of factors and forces. Current academic interpretations emphasize that no one group or organisation, no matter how significant its contribution, was solely responsible. There was no military victory or other decisive event which brought the collapse of the system, rather a sapping of will to pay the ever increasing cost to maintain it. The struggle against apartheid involved a groundswell, popular uprising in which the initiative came not from centralised political structures, orchestrating a grand revolt, but from ordinary South Africans who were reacting to the oppressive nature of a brutally discriminatory system which sought to control every aspect of their lives.4 Leaders and structures emerged organically as communities organised themselves around issues that affected them. Organisations that emerged were highly democratic and accountable to their members. There was no grand plan or centralised control of the process. As Walter Benjamin warned in a different context, but applicable here: “All rulers are the heirs of those who have conquered before them.” He feared that what he referred to as a historicist view constructed a version of history as a triumphal parade of progress. “Whoever has emerged victorious” he reminds us “participates to this day in the triumphal procession in which the present rulers step over those who are lying prostrate. According to traditional practice the spoils are carried along in the procession.” 5 He was warning of just such a tendency, which has been repeated so often in the past, for the victors to construct a version of history which ends up justifying a new tyranny. To counter this tendency it is important that other histories of the struggle are told – that the stories of other groups, which are marginalised by the new hegemonic discourse, are recorded.This aim of this dissertation is thus two-fold. Firstly it aims to investigate “the story” of the End Conscription Campaign, which has largely been seen as a white anti-apartheid liberal organisation. The objective is to provide a detailed historical account and periodisation of the organisation to fill in the gaps and challenge the distortions of a new emerging “official” discourse.Secondly within this framework, and by using the activities and strategies of the organisation as evidence for its suppositions, the question of the role played by the ECC in the struggle.

Bibliography: leaves 258-281. / This study seeks to develop an understanding of the evolution of state policy towards Africans in Cape Town, and to document the resistance engendered by discriminatory and oppressive laws. Utilizing both primary and secondary sources, the thesis describes and analyses complex social problems and political struggles which originated and developed in the period before 1936. By emphasizing the material and political dimensions, as well as the class interests and social categories involved in this uneven process of struggle, the thesis attempts to transcend the limitations not only of functionalist and "conflict pluralist'' perspectives, but also of the more simplistic Marxist formulations propounded within the field of South African urban studies.