本文主要分析了海原县在实现现代化的发展过程中，国家如何利用权力和空间来主导现代化。同时，也以此为主题，分析了农民在国家主导的现代化过程中，如何做出反应。 / 本文将研究集中在现代化与发展这样的背景下，用权力和空间这样的核心概念，来分析国家与回族民众之间的关系，从而来推出在中国国家话语下，现代化的实践，农民所采取的各种应对方式，不是以挑战国家权威，或者有意与国家做对这样一套路径来看待中国国家与农民之间的关系，而是更应该交往全面、宽幅度、更为厚实地去看待国家和农民的关系。农民并非一味地反对，也不是完全地接受，农民往往是在更为理性的层面，根据具体问题而采取相应的应对。应对，有些是明显且看得见的应对，有些是隐藏的不易发觉的应对。所以，完全用农民本来就要反对国家，或者说，农民与国家是二元对立的不可调和的矛盾关系，显然有些过度解释了农民的行为和思想。 / 本文以"农民进城、"新农村建设、"面子工程"和反对县城搬迁这样一些具体的个案，从农民对待国家政策的微弱难以明显看出到强烈地应对县城搬迁这样一些多层次的个案，来考量了国家在主导现代化的政策中，政绩与自我利益作为隐藏话语，而从对农民有好处，帮助农民发展早日摆贫困为公开话语，来促成各项政策的落实。农民在这些不同的背景下，用属于并适合自己作为农民、回族、伊斯兰教信徒等身份来维护自己的利益。总而言之，整个论文以田野调查为方法，着重分析了发展背景下的地方政治和民众的应对战略，同时也分析了国家与民族之间复杂的社会关系。 / This thesis studies the roles of the state in the modernization of Haiyuan in Ningxia, China, and analyses state power and the state use of space. Also analyzed is how ordinary people respond to state power in this state-led modernization. / Focusing on the background of modernization and development, I shall study the multi-layers of relations between the State and Hui Muslim civilians, so as to show that, under the discourse of the State, their responses to the state are not simply challenging state power, but are more complex in this relations between the state and the people based on concrete situations. Some of their tactics of resistance are visible while others are hidden. This it is simplistic to view the state and the civilians as in direct opposition. / By studying concrete cases of farmers moving into the county seat, the government building a"new village, the government's "beautifying project and the people's resistance to the relocation of the county seat, this thesis examines the weak and strong resistance of the people. This study analyzes how the state manipulates the policies and the processes of modernization for political interests, which are hidden behind political discourses about helping the poor out of poverty. The state seeks to implement its policies, while the Hui civilians use their relevant peasant, Hui and Muslim identities to protect their own interests. Overall the thesis uses ethnographic approach to highlight the local politics of development and the people's tactics of resistance as well as the complex relationship between the state and the people. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 馬建福. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 196-205) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Ma Jianfu. / l摘要 --- p.1 / ABSTRACT --- p.3 / 致谢 --- p.4 / 地图 --- p.5 / Chapter 地图一 --- 调研省份宁夏在中国版图中的位置 --- p.5 / Chapter 地图二 --- 宁夏地图及各市县分布（来源：来自矢量地图） --- p.6 / Chapter 地图三 --- 海原县在整个宁夏的地理位置（来源：谷歌截图自己制作） --- p.7 / Chapter 地图四 --- 本文研究调查点分布 --- p.8 / Chapter 第一章 --- 导言 --- p.9 / 引言 --- p.9 / 研究主题与研究问题 --- p.18 / 相关理论与研究范围 --- p.24 / 研究地点 --- p.40 / 研究方法 --- p.45 / 论文的结构与框架 --- p.48 / Chapter 第二章 --- 海原县的现代化历程：民族志的视角 --- p.50 / 引言 --- p.50 / 走进“现代化的海原 --- p.56 / 历史话语中的现实映射：一个需要开发和搬迁的地方 --- p.59 / 天灾人祸与故土难离：地震灾难后的记忆 --- p.62 / “现代化的历史过程 --- p.70 / 国家框架下的居民：回民、汉族 --- p.72 / 三种权力体系下的社会组织 --- p.77 / 本章小结 --- p.78 / Chapter 第三章 --- 社区移植的发展与政治 --- p.80 / 引言 --- p.80 / 县城的变化 --- p.81 / 搬进县城的人 --- p.86 / 在县城与农村之间 --- p.95 / 另类迁移：一切为了孩子？ --- p.99 / 本章小结 --- p.105 / Chapter 第四章 --- 面子工程、发展与民众应对 --- p.107 / 引言 --- p.107 / 面子工程：建在店面门前的围护墙 --- p.109 / 面子工程：一个“拆字千家泪 --- p.115 / 面子工程：刷了颜色的墙 --- p.121 / 本章小结 --- p.124 / Chapter 第五章 --- 县城搬迁、发展与民众应对 --- p.126 / 引言 --- p.126 / 县城搬迁前的故事：作为发展的解释 --- p.130 / 搬迁与应对：弱者武器的施展 --- p.139 / 善后处理：带头者的拘留 --- p.150 / 本章小结 --- p.152 / Chapter 第六章 --- 宗教与民众应对 --- p.155 / 引言 --- p.155 / 在农村与城市之间：进退两难的回族人 --- p.155 / 王井新村的生活：没有清真寺的应对 --- p.162 / 新农村建设中的宗教应对 --- p.164 / 国家治理与共谋：宗教领袖的安抚和提升 --- p.171 / 老少边穷与回族身份：农民应对的工具 --- p.173 / 教主与信众：权力利用与关系应对 --- p.175 / 本章小结 --- p.177 / Chapter 第七章 --- 总结 --- p.180 / 现代化与发展的政治逻辑 --- p.181 / 国家主导下的空间生产与社会关系的重构 --- p.182 / 权力与国家治理：代理人的作用 --- p.184 / 变化不断的现代化：社会关系的重塑 --- p.186 / 治理与应对的人类学反思 --- p.189 / 空间生产与权力形塑社会关系 --- p.193 / 治理术、国家与民众 --- p.194 / 参考文献 --- p.196 / [中文文献] --- p.196 / [英文文献] --- p.198

by Wing Chi Ki. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1997. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 177-182). / Abstract --- p.i / Acknowledgements --- p.i v / Table of Contents --- p.v / Abbreviations used for Foucault's Works --- p.vi / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: Power and Resistance in Foucault --- p.1 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- 1984-The Axis of Power --- p.29 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Brave New World--The Axis of Sexuality --- p.70 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- The Handmaid's Tale-The Axis of Knowledge --- p.117 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Conclusion: Resistant Topos´ؤFrom Dystopia to Heterotopia --- p.167 / Works Cited --- p.177 / Bibliography --- p.182

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1992.

Much public historical mythology asserts that Chief Albert Luthuli, the onetime leader of Africa's oldest liberation movement, launched an armed struggle on the very eve he returned to South Africa after receiving the Nobel Peace Prize. This profound irony engenders what is arguably one of the most relevant and controversial historical debates in South African as some recent scholarship suggests Luthuli did not countenance the armed movement. Today, Luthuli remains a figure of great contestation due to his domestic and international prominence and impeccable moral character. Icons of the liberation struggle, political parties and active politicians understand their justification for past actions and their contemporary relevance to be dependent upon a given historical memory of Luthuli. Often that memory is not compatible with the archival record. Contrary to a nationalist inspired historical perspective, this investigation concludes that Luthuli did not support the initiation of violence in December 1961. Evidence suggests that Luthuli only reluctantly yielded to the formation (not the initiation) of an armed movement months before the announcement in October 1961 that he would be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in December 1961. After the announcement, Luthuli vociferously argued against the use of violence until April 1962. From April 1962 to his death in 1967, Luthuli only advocated non-violent methods and did not publicly support or condemn the use of violence. Congregationalism imbedded within Luthuli the primacy of democracy, education, multiracialism and egalitarianism, propelling him to the heights of political leadership prior to 1961. Following 1961 these same seminal emphases rendered Luthuli obsolete as a political leader within an increasingly radicalised, desperate and violent environment. The author argues that not only did the government drastically curtail Luthuli's ability to lead, but so did his colleagues in the underground structures ofthe Congresses' liberation movement, rendering him only the titular leader ofthe African National Congress until his death. While Luthuli's Christian faith provided the vigour for his political success, it engendered the inertia for his political irrelevance following the launch of violence. By not supporting the African National Congress' initiation of the violent movement, Luthuli's political career proved to be 'bound by faith'. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2008.

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1978.

In 1998 I conducted a series of interviews with Zimbabweans who recounted, often using English, their memories of Albert Sumbo-Ncube. From these I have selected and transcribed five interviews with ZIPRA ex-combatants in which they tell the story, as they remember and elaborate on their memories, of Sumbo's escape from Rhodesian police custody at the Victoria Falls in 1977 during the Zimbabwean liberation struggle. The interviews represent Sumbo as a hero and reveal the folk hero creation process at work. This hero figure was created by people who needed an effective figure of oppositional propaganda and who did not have access to the technology and resources of the Rhodesian government. Their narratives were communicated orally and they fused material found in the Rhodesian government-controlled newspapers with an amaNdebele oral tradition. I shall draw on Hobsbawm's (1972) notions of the social bandit and Robens's (1989) study of the folk hero creation amongst post-slavery African-Americans in order to understand the ZIPRA guerrillas' hero creation. The Sumbo folk hero creation served to promote an ideal self for the Zimbabwean guerrillas and their recruits. Sumbo's daring and his ability successfully to defy authority evoked admiration amongst the guerrillas in the 1970s, and in 1998 revives for them the idealism of the struggle. In Zimbabwe the 'hero' has become a contested category, because of the government's will to control the historical representation of the liberation struggle by promoting an official history with official categories of heroes. Working with Barber's notion of popular African arts (1987 and 1997), I argue that a folk hero can be redefined as a 'popular hero' when created by a proletariat and expressed by means of a popular art form. The interviewees use a specific form, the oral historical narrative, to preserve and transmit the Sumbo hero figure. I argue that though this oral historical narrative is less fixed in form and occasion than praise poetry, songs and genealogies, it nevertheless possesses identifiable and recurrent characteristics and I have established a number of criteria for identifying oral historical narrative as a genre. In order to avoid taking a generalised and essentialising approach to the notion of 'African culture', I have drawn on theory that is as specific as possible to the understanding of oral historical narratives within the context of siNdebele speakers in Zimbabwe. I have drawn on research published by Hofmeyr (1993) and Scheub (1975) because they focused on Nguni-speaking societies. Their research is further supported by my own research conducted in the rural area of Tsholotsho in Zimbabwe. The analysis of the oral historical narrative genre used by the interviewees demonstrates that significant formal and performance skills occur in this type of narrative which takes place within apparently informal conversations. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2000.

Daily event data on a group of sub-Saharan African nations from 1975 to 1982 are analyzed to determine the nature of the short term relationship between acts of regime repression and dissident reaction. The results support the Relative Deprivation prediction of an "Inverted U" relationship between acts of repression and acts of Turmoil. Conversely, the concurrence of "U-shape" and "Negative Linear" relationships between repression and acts of Internal War suggest that a mixture of frustration-aggression and cost-benefit analysis may affect dissident behaviour. Moreover, the simultaneous strength of the deprivation indicators and the weakness of the mobilization indicators support the conclusion that a synthesis of the two main approaches to the study of social movement behaviour is in order.

Abstract available in pdf file.

This thesis examines Bitzer's model of the rhetorical situation by using it, in combination with elements of Bormann's fantasy theme analysis to perform a criticism of radical right rhetoric. First, it identifies the exigencies that give rise to the sovereignty rhetoric employed by members of the radical right. This analysis then determines whether the speech meets the needs of its intended audience. To accomplish this task, two websites are analyzed: the Posse Comitatus/Christian Identity website and that of the Republic of Texas, a secessionist, common law/sovereign citizen's site. These websites claim to be the official websites of the two organizations. The analysis is a generative analysis, combining Bitzer's model of rhetorical situation with aspects of Bormann's fantasy theme analysis. Through performing the analysis, weaknesses and areas for improvement in Bitzer's model will be identified.Sovereignty and common law rhetoric comes in many variations, but all revolve around a central principle - that there are two classes of citizenship. United States citizenship is conferred by the Fourteenth Amendment and is accepted by participation in programs such as social security (Nagle, 1996). This form of citizenship is subject to extensive regulation and taxation. However, sovereignty rhetoric focuses on state citizenship. This type of citizenship is conferred by common law and can be recaptured by rejecting U.S. citizenship. Advocates of sovereignty argue that state citizens are not subject to most federal laws and cannot be taxed by the federal government.Why study common law/sovereign citizen rhetoric? There is broad crosspollination among extremist groups, and sovereignty rhetoric is a consistent theme for many of these groups (Shapiro, 1995). For example, individuals convicted of abortion bombings have had militia ties, and tax protestors attend preparedness expos' (Tharp & Holstein, 1997). Likewise, events such as the death of Randy Weaver's wife in the 1992 Ruby Ridge standoff, and the 1993 Branch Davidian fire are cited by extremists of numerous ideologies as evidence of a government conspiracy (Dyer, 1997).2 Furthermore, for every camouflage-clothed militia member, there are several amateur attorneys studying old law books, the Constitution and each other's websites in an effort to unravel the meaning of the "true" Constitution (Abanes, 1996).The Posse Comitatus and Republic of Texas websites are useful artifacts because they are clear examples of the types of rhetoric addressed in this study. The present incarnation of the Posse Comitatus merges Posse Comitatus and Christian Identity rhetoric, allowing exploration of the common law rhetoric of both groups through one website. While claiming not to be a militia website, the Republic ofI Preparedness expos offer survivalist training and equipment, firearms, ammunition and common law materials (Tharp & Holstein).Extremists are particularly fascinated by the date April 19, a date on which events ranging from the Revolutionary War to the Branch Davidian fire took place (Stern). In some circles, this date is called Militia Day and has assumed almost religious significance.Texas maintains at least three separate militias and features extensive discussions of common law and sovereign citizen rhetoric.To understand these groups, it is necessary to understand the exigencies that brought them into existence. Bitzer's model of rhetorical situation, with its focus on exigencies, is an excellent tool for understanding the social and economic factors contributing to the growth of these types of groups. However, Bitzer offers only limited insight into how the messages are spread and why people accept them. Bormann's fantasy theme method of analysis helps answer the questions of how the sovereignty/common law message satisfies the rhetorical and psychological needs of the group members. / Department of Communication Studies

The Inkatha movement has received, large publicity over the few years since its revival and especially recently with the formation of an alliance between Inkatha, the ("Coloured") labour Party and the ("Indian") Reform Party, Thi3 paper was done to suggest a possible approach, for discussion, to the analysis of current political, ideological and economic developments in the reserve areas of the South African social formation. More specifically the paper hopes to provide information that could be relevant to an analysis of developments in the kwaZulu region. An elaboration of the hints at an approach, integration of factors relating to the stage of capitalism in the South African social formation and class struggle would have made this a more satisfactory paper for discussion. The approach adopted has to be extremely tentative at this stage, both because of the immediate and obvious problems associated with contemporary research and analysis (It is even less possible to approach the subject with "objectivity", to "distance oneself from it", than is the case with topics that can more properly be called "history") but also because of the dearth of material available on the reserve "homeland" areas and the difficult y of doing research in these areas. (Wages Commission research into conditions on wattle plantations, Cosmas Desmond and others and their work on resettlement etc., and subsequent responses to these investigations, give some idea of the sensitivity of thin work), In the first section I will introduce certain concepts relating to an analysis of the "homelands" through some recent writing on these areas. References will be to the kwaZulu region. The second section deal.3 specifically with the Inkatha movement. Information relating to this movement is provided and one issue is presented in greater detail, hut no rigorous attempt is mado to apply the mode of analysis of the first section to the issues around the position of 'Inkatha. Indicators exist but with so many dynamics operative they can be no more than that. However, I do not believe that it is possible to understand the political, economic and ideological developments in the "homelands" without keeping the questions raised in the first section in mind - and definitely impossible to come to an adequate understanding if these areas are looked at in isolation, ie if apparently "internal" events and processes are not situated within a context broadly defined by the specific stage of the development of capitalism in South Africa (monopoly dominance), and without keeping in mind the history of class struggle within the social formation. / Class formation in the South African reserve areas: Inkatha - a study